A song about nothing, or What happened in Africa - song by Vladimir Vysotsky (1968).

- SO WHAT HAPPENED IN AFRICA?-

About one “frivolous” song by V. Vysotsky
Bibina A.V.

Vladimir Vysotsky has many humorous works, which at first glance do not pretend to have any depth of content and are extremely understandable. This is also what the widely known song about the Giraffe seems like, one of the author’s titles of which is “A Song About Nothing, or What Happened in Africa. One family chronicle." But the poet himself emphasized the presence in his humorous works of a “second layer” - necessarily a serious one. An attempt to identify it leads to quite interesting results.

N. Krymova believes that the meaning of the “second layer” is contained in the refrain of the song - a replica of the Parrot, which has passed into everyday speech as a proverb (Krymova N. About the poetry of Vladimir Vysotsky // Vysotsky V. S. Izbrannoe, M. 1988. P. 494 ). V. Novikov calls the phrase “The giraffe is big - he knows best” as a formula for opportunism (Novikov V. Training of the spirit // Vysotsky V. S. Four quarters of the way, M. 1988, p. 268), although it would be more accurate to talk not about opportunism, but about non-interference. This reading of the text seems quite appropriate. Vysotsky does not have a direct satire on the life principle “My house is on the edge - I don’t know anything”; but both his lyrical hero and characters close to him in worldview are characterized by the opposite - the principle of “intervention”, active participation in what is happening: “I’m working hard for you guys until I vomit!” (“My destiny is to the last line, to the cross...”); “In order for the clouds to clear, / The guy was needed right there” (“Throw away boredom like a watermelon rind...”). Indifference and indifference turn into tragedy - both personal and general: “Having put the driver to sleep, the yellow sun froze, / And no one said: move, get up, don’t sleep!” (“I breathed blue...”). And life itself in this system of concepts is considered as a “good thing” - apparently, interesting and useful (“I left the business”), and passivity and apathy are actually equated with death (“Song of a Finished Man”).

So, the first of the possible interpretations of the events “in hot yellow Africa”: the criminal indifference of others - a consequence of the “active passivity” of the Parrot - helps the Giraffe to abolish the laws of the animal world and destroy the established order. But was “The Giraffe really wrong?” Let's take a closer look at this character and his actions.

Exploring the opposition of top and bottom in Vysotsky’s artistic system, A. Skobelev and S. Shaulov note: “Looking up is always a characteristic of a spiritualized person... - Vysotsky’s poet is always a “long-necked” creature, and therefore, by the way, “The Big Giraffe,” who knows better, evokes obvious author's sympathy" (Skobelev A., Shaulov S. The concept of man and the world: Ethics and aesthetics of Vladimir Vysotsky // V. S. Vysotsky: Research and materials. Voronezh, 1990. P. 43). Moreover: this character is clearly among the characters approved by the author with “consistently non-conforming behavior” (Ibid., pp. 34-35). Overcoming the views on family and love imposed by others, defending his right to individuality, the Giraffe acts almost the same as the lyrical hero, who does not want to move “where everyone else is” (“Alien Rut”), and in response to the indignant “noise and barking” he could well have answered with the words of one of the role-playing characters attractive to the poet: “I don’t care - I really want to!” (“Gunner”).

Taking into account the above, the plot should be understood positively: the Giraffe turns out to be the overthrower of outdated customs, and the family ties that have arisen between animals of different species are similar to interethnic marriages. Parrot’s position also takes a new shine: his proposal not to interfere in the unusual, but ultimately natural course of events is a manifestation not of indifference, but of wisdom (it’s not for nothing that he is “old”). The concept of “the wisdom of non-interference” arises - but in this artistic system it is almost an oxymoron!

A comparison of mutually exclusive and individually clearly unsatisfactory interpretations encourages one to read the text again and again - and discover elements in it that have not yet been taken into account. So, although the Giraffe is similar to Vysotsky’s lyrical hero, he is at the same time endowed with a trait that is clearly unpleasant for the author - a tendency towards demagoguery: “Today in our fauna / Everything is equal!” (Similar parody of ideological formulations occurs more than once in Vysotsky. As an example, one can cite the statement of the character in the song “Smotriny”: “The neighbor yells that he is the people, / That the law is basically observed: / That - whoever doesn’t eat, doesn’t drink, - / And he drank, by the way,” and in the poem “The bridges burned down, the fords deepened...” we find “an endless path forward,” which turned into a crowd moving in a circle with a knocked down landmark, etc. See also the poem “We are brought up in contempt to theft..." and "We are vigilant - we will not spill secrets..."). The fact that lovers find themselves rejected by the society of their own kind also encourages reflection. These are the results of the affirmation of individuality; but how to evaluate them?" The second part of the paradoxical call of the lyrical hero remained unfulfilled: "... do as I do! / This means - don’t follow me<...>"("Alien Track"): Giraffe's followers, mindlessly repeating his actions, actually establish a new stereotype. This again changes the interpretation of the work. Almost every line can complicate interpretation. How, for example, should we understand the pun: “Giraffe and Giraffe are pouring / Crocodile tears”? The interaction of the names of various animals here leads to the actualization of the direct meaning of the definition and destroys the phraseological unit, forcing it to be taken literally. But does this cancel its general linguistic meaning - in other words, are the characters actually grieving or to maintain appearances? And finally: “...it is not the Giraffe who is guilty, /But the one who...” - and why, in fact, should someone alone be to blame? Is this a serious conclusion or an ironic one?

In fact, in “A Song About Nothing...” several different worldviews collide (at least three: a youthful romantic attitude to life, a sophisticated realistic one, and a philistine one). As a result, it turns out to be ambiguous. Despite its external frivolity and the apparent presence of “morality,” the author offers us here many deep questions - perhaps not resolved by himself. Or not having a final decision at all...

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What happened in Africa

Gm In hot yellow Africa - Cm In its central part - D7sus Somehow suddenly, out of schedule D7 Gm A misfortune happened. G7 The Elephant said, without making it out: Cm - “It looks like there will be a flood!..” - Gm In general, like this: one Giraffe D7 Gm Fell in love with an Antelope. Chorus Gm There was a clamor and barking, Only the old Parrot shouted loudly from the branches: D Gm - The giraffe is big - he knows better! - What, does she have horns? - The Giraffe shouted lovingly. - Nowadays in our fauna * All thresholds are equal! If all my relatives are not happy with her, - Don’t blame me - I will leave the herd! Chorus Papa Antelope Why such a son? It doesn’t matter what’s on his forehead, what’s on his forehead - it’s all the same. And Giraffes' son-in-law grumbles: Have you seen the dunce? - And they went to live with the bison With the Giraffe Antelope. Chorus There are no idylls to be seen in hot yellow Africa. Giraffe and Giraffe are shedding crocodile tears. Only I can’t help my grief - There is no law now. The Giraffes had a daughter who married Bison. Chorus Even though the Giraffe was wrong, But it was not the Giraffe who was guilty, But the one who shouted from the branches: - The giraffe is big - he knows best!

* Today in our fauna/ Fauna (new Latin fauna, from Latin Fauna - goddess of forests and fields, patroness of herds of animals) is a historically established set of animal species living in a given area and included in all its biogeocenoses.

In yellow hot Africa,
In its central part,
Somehow suddenly, out of schedule,
An accident happened.
The elephant said without understanding:
- Looks like there's going to be a flood!..-
In general, like this: one Giraffe
Fell in love with Antelope.
Then there was a clamor and barking,
And only old Parrot
He shouted loudly from the branches:

- What, does she have horns? -
The Giraffe shouted lovingly.-
Today in our fauna
Everyone is equal!
If all my relatives
She won't be happy -
Don't blame me -
I will leave the herd!
Then there was a clamor and barking,
And only old Parrot
He shouted loudly from the branches:
- The giraffe is big - he knows better!
To Papa the antelope
Why such a son?
It doesn’t matter what’s in his face,
As for the forehead - everything is one.
And the giraffes' son-in-law grumbles:
-Have you seen the dunce?-
And they went to live with the bison
With Giraffe Antelope.
Then there was a clamor and barking,
And only old Parrot
He shouted loudly from the branches:
- The giraffe is big - he knows better!
In yellow hot Africa
There are no idylls in sight.
Giraffe and Giraffe are pouring
Crocodile tears.
I just can’t help my grief -
There is no law now.
Giraffes have a daughter
Marry Bison.
Let the Giraffe be wrong
But it is not the Giraffe who is to blame,
And the one who shouted from the branches:
- The giraffe is big - he knows better!

Translation of the lyrics Vladimir Vysotsky - the giraffe is big, he knows better

In the yellow and hot Africa,
In the Central part,
Suddenly, out of schedule,
~ Is it ~ misfortune.
Elephant said do not understand:
- Seen to be the flood!..-
In General: one Giraffe
Fell in love with the Antelope.
And only the old Parrot

- What, the horns?
Cried the Giraffe lovingly.-
Now in our fauna
All polls are equal!
If all of my family
She's not happy-
Don't blame me
I am out of the herd!
There was hubbub and barking,
And only the old Parrot
Shouted loudly from the branches:
- Giraffe great - he knows better!
Dad antilophia
Why such a son?
It was him in the forehead,
That forehead - all the same.
Giraffes and son-in-law whine:
See the mutt?-
And went to Buffalo to live
With A Giraffe Antelope.
There was hubbub and barking,
And only the old Parrot
Shouted loudly from the branches:
- Giraffe great - he knows better!
In the yellow hot Africa
Not see the film.
Lew Giraffe mother giraffe with
Crocodile tears.
Grief not only to help
There is now a law.
The Giraffes came out daughter
Married to a Bison.
Let Giraffe was wrong,
But was not a Giraffe,
And the one who yelled from the branches:
- Giraffe great - he knows better!

The long-standing and unresolved inter-ethnic conflicts of the Great Lakes region of the Black Continent resemble a giant dormant volcano. If it explodes, the shock wave could cover Africa, as it did once before. And the echoes of this explosion will be heard far beyond its borders.

ELECTION FEVER

The pre-election political struggle in Burundi reached its height in late April - early May of this year and resulted in mass protests. The catalyst for the outbreak of popular discontent was the decision of the current head of state, Pierre Nkurunziza, to go to the polls for the third time, which, according to the opposition, is a violation of the Constitution. On the night of May 14, a military coup was attempted led by General Godefroy Niyombare. President Nkurunziza was on an official visit to Tanzania at the time.

During May 14–15, the rebellion of a group of military men was suppressed, and the generals who led it were arrested. According to the Office of the UN High Commissioner, during the mass protests and uprising, 20 people were killed, about 470 were injured, and more than 105 thousand people fled the country. The presidential and senate elections have been postponed indefinitely.

HUTUS AND TUTSI

The Republic of Burundi is a small country in Equatorial Africa, one of the poorest in the world, bordered by Rwanda in the north, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in the west, and bordered by Tanzania in the south and east. According to the CIA Factbook, the population is just over 10 million.

Of these: representatives of the Huttu people - about 85%, Tutsis - about 14%, pygmies - less than 1%, and there are a small number of people from Europe, India and the Middle East. The majority of the population, over 86%, are Christians. Official languages: Rwanda or Kinyarwanda (belonging to the Bantu group of languages ​​of the Niger-Congo linguistic family) and French. There is one long-standing and still unresolved problem in the country - the conflict between two nationalities: the Hutu and the Tutsi.

These two ethnic groups live in a vast territory that includes the entirety of Burundi and Rwanda, as well as the eastern lands of the DRC (both Kivu provinces), the southern regions of Uganda and the areas of Tanzania located in close proximity to the border with Burundi. The Hutus are predominantly farmers, the Tutsis are pastoralists. The whole catch is that there is no obvious anthropological and cultural difference between these ethnic groups. Experts talk about the Hamitic origin of the Tutsi, but at the same time note that genetically they are more similar to the Hutus than other African peoples.

According to historians, the ancestors of the Hutus - a branch of the Bantu people - came to the Great Lakes region of Africa from the west in the 1st century, displaced local tribes and settled on these lands. The ancestors of the Tutsi, the Hamites (like the Ethiopians) - immigrants from the Horn of Africa, a warlike people, subjugated the Hutus about 500 years ago. And from then until the mid-twentieth century, only Tutsis were the ruling class in the region. During the colonial period, first the German authorities, then the Belgian ones that replaced them, relied on the Tutsi in the administration of the territories then called Ruanda-Urundi. In the 50s of the last century the situation changed. The Tutsis repeatedly rebelled against the Belgian authorities. Therefore, the colonialists began to look for allies among the Hutu elite, and the Tutsis were persecuted. Moreover, the Belgian authorities put a lot of effort into inciting hostility between the Hutus and Tutsis.

WHICH IS WRITTEN IN BLOOD

In November 1959, the first mass clashes between Hutus and Tutsis took place in the Belgian-administered territory of Ruanda-Urundi. In 1961–1962, Tutsi paramilitary rebel groups intensified their activities, while at the same time a similar movement began to grow among the Hutus. Both of them fought with the colonialists and among themselves. After the departure of the Belgians in 1962, two independent states emerged on the territory of the former colony - Rwanda and Burundi, initially constitutional monarchies. The majority of the population of these countries are Hutu, and the ruling elite was made up of Tutsis. The armies of these states, primarily the command staff, were predominantly recruited from Tutsis. In Rwanda, the monarchy was abolished soon after independence, and in Burundi it was not until 1966. Both countries became republics, but interethnic conflict remained. Universal suffrage made it possible for the Hutus to take power into their own hands. In Rwanda, immediately after the establishment of republican rule, civil war broke out. The Hutus who came to power fought with the Tutsi partisans. The entire 1960s went through the same regime in Rwanda. By the early 1980s, most of the country's population, predominantly Tutsis, immigrated to neighboring Zaire, Uganda, Tanzania and Burundi, where guerrilla groups were formed from among the refugees, which later, in 1988, united under the political leadership of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).

At the same time, a series of military coups took place in Burundi, and Tutsi representatives came to power. But the Hutus did not accept this state of affairs, and the flywheel of the civil war began to spin up here too. The first serious fighting between government forces and Hutu guerrillas, united under the banner of the Burundian Workers' Party, occurred in 1972. Subsequently, the Burundian authorities carried out large-scale punitive actions against the partisans and the Hutu population, as a result of which from 150 thousand to 300 thousand people were killed. In 1987, a military coup brought Major Pierre Buyoya, a Tutsi by birth, to power in Burundi. The deposed ruler, Colonel Jean-Baptiste Bagaza, was also a Tutsi. The new dictator was then re-elected to the presidency several times, which he left only in 1993. He was briefly replaced by a newly democratically elected Hutu representative, Melchior Ndadaye. The latter served as head of state for a little less than seven months and lost power, and at the same time his life, as a result of another military coup. The new round of the civil war was very bloody. According to official data alone, about 100 thousand people died in a short period of time. At the beginning of 1994, the warring parties reached a compromise in negotiations, and free elections were held in the country. A new Hutu president, Cyprien Ntaryamira, was elected, and a Tutsi representative, Anatole Kanienkiko, became prime minister.

MASSACRE IN RWANDA

In 1990, a detachment of 500 RPF fighters led by Paul Kagame entered Rwandan territory from Uganda. Thus, the Tutsi declared themselves in their homeland with the help. A new civil war has begun in Rwanda. In 1992, through the mediation of the Organization of African Unity, the opponents sat down at the negotiating table, but the fighting did not stop. The second round of negotiations, conducted under French mediation, also did not produce results.

At the same time, the ruling party, the Coalition for the Defense of Democracy, in the republic began to create a mass Hutu militia - Impuzamugambi (translated from Kinyarwanda - “those who have a common goal”) and no less massive youth groups Interahamwe ( "those who attack together"). On April 6, 1994, while approaching the Rwandan capital Kigali, an anti-aircraft missile was shot down by unidentified persons on a plane carrying the President of Rwanda, Juvénal Habyarimana, and the President of Burundi, Cyprien Ntaryamira (both Hutu). Everyone on the plane died. That same day, Rwandan military, police and Hutu militia blocked the capital and main roads. Central television and radio blamed the deaths of the presidents on the rebels from the RPF and UN peacekeepers, and a call was made live to destroy the “Tutsi cockroaches.” On the same day, Prime Minister Agata Uwilingiyimana (Hutu) was assassinated, along with 10 Belgian peacekeepers guarding her home. The presidential guard and Hutu militia took part in this action. At the same time, a 600-strong RPF detachment stationed in Kigali under earlier truce agreements began fighting against government forces and Hutu militia. At the same time, the main forces of the RPF in the north of the country intensified military operations.

On the night of April 8, 1994, a provisional government consisting exclusively of Hutus was created in Kigali, Theodore Sindikubwabo, one of the initiators of the massacre, became acting president. UN forces refused to provide protection to victims of the massacres. Over the 70 days of massacres starting on April 20, over 350 thousand people were killed in Butare province alone. In June, the rate of killings was unusually high, with an average of 72 people killed per hour, according to human rights activists. Only on June 22 did the UN Security Council decide to deploy additional peacekeeping forces in Rwanda. By this time, the RPF army already controlled more than 60% of the country's territory. Tutsi guerrillas occupied the capital on July 7. In total, more than 1 million people died at the hands of extremists. Fearing revenge from the Tutsis, about 2 million Hutu fled to neighboring Zaire. The Tutsi party RPF came to power in the country. In April 1994, their army did not exceed 10 thousand bayonets, and in July its number increased to 40 thousand.

FIRST CONGOLESIAN

Along with 2 million refugees from Rwanda, Impuzamugambi, Interahamwe and former soldiers of the Rwandan Army (AR) went to Zaire - a total of about 40 thousand fighters who founded military camps near the border and carried out raids on Rwandan territory. Zaire's President Mobutu, whose power began to noticeably weaken by the mid-90s, used these forces for his own purposes and did not interfere with their activities, which caused discontent among local peoples.

Rwandan leader Paul Kagame said in one of his interviews that the killers of 1 million Rwandans were hiding in Zairean camps, whose blood cried out for vengeance. The RPF military began combat training of Zairian rebels even before the start of the first Congo War. Among them were not only the Tutsis (whose local name is “banyamasisi” in North Kivu and “banyamulenge” in South Kivu), but also many anti-government forces in Zaire. RPF troops were preparing for intervention. Uganda and Burundi acted as allies of Rwanda. Angola also reacted favorably to Kigali's initiative, mainly because Mobutu worked closely with the Angolan rebel organization UNITA. The RPF leadership conducted active diplomatic preparations for the war, as a result of which they managed to gain political support from Ethiopia, Eritrea, Zambia and Zimbabwe, as well as approval from a number of Western countries, primarily the United States.

According to official information of those times, Zaire's President Mobutu had at hand one of the most powerful armies (Army of Zaire - AZ) on the continent. But as it turned out, this army was strong only on paper. In reality, its number did not exceed 60 thousand bayonets. The most reliable AZ formation was the Special Presidential Division (SPD), numbering about 10 thousand bayonets. The combat capability of the Special Military Intelligence Forces (SSVR) was also rated highly. The remaining troops were only suitable for punitive actions. There were few serviceable tanks, cannon and rocket artillery units. Mobutu purchased military aircraft and helicopters during the war. In reality, AZ was one of the worst armies in the world. And this despite the fact that instructors from Belgium, France, the USA and other countries were involved in its preparation at different times. The Zairian army was corroded from within by incompetence and corruption.

Mass protests in Burundi this spring. Photo by Reuters

CHRONICLE OF WAR

By September 1996, about 1 thousand Banyamulenge and 200 Banyamasisi fighters penetrated from Rwanda into Zaire and began preparing for military operations. In October, 10 battalions of the RPF army (about 5 thousand bayonets) invaded Zaire. These forces were divided equally to operate in the north in the Goma region and in the south in the Bukavu region.

The number of Zairian troops on the shores of Lake Kivu did not exceed 3.5 thousand bayonets. Three battalions were stationed in the Goma region - two from the military intelligence forces and one from the 31st parachute brigade. Just north of Goma there were one parachute battalion, one national guard battalion and a company of military intelligence forces. In addition, there were about 40 thousand Hutu militia fighters and former AR soldiers in the border zone.

At dawn on October 4, Banyamulenge troops attacked the village of Lemera, which housed a military garrison and hospital. The rebels subjected AZ positions to mortar fire and attacked the enemy simultaneously from several sides, but did not encircle them and left the enemy a way to retreat.

Around October 16, a large column of rebel troops entered Zairian territory from Burundi and moved north to the cities of Uvira and Bukawa. By the beginning of November, all major border cities were captured, including Goma, during the assault of which from Lake Kivu the rebels were supported by fire from Rwandan military boats. Kinshasa sent reinforcements to its forces: six batteries of field artillery, an incomplete SPD battalion, SSVR units, but all was in vain.

In the fall of 1996, the rebels formed the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire; Laurent Kabila, a Marxist, follower of Patrice Lumumba and Ernesto Che Guevara, was elected as leader.

The UN responded to the outbreak of war by sending peacekeepers to protect the refugee camps. The USA, Canada and a number of other Western countries agreed to allocate military contingents for this. The plans of the alliance and the RPF were crumbling before our eyes. The Rwandans, in order to save the situation, urgently began to liquidate the refugee camps and force the latter to return to their homeland. The paramilitary troops guarding the camps were scattered, and about 500 thousand refugees returned to Rwanda. There is no longer any need to send peacekeepers to this region. Most of the Hutu militia and former AR soldiers retreated deep into Zaire, and many refugees went with them. It was at this time in Kigali, according to General Kagame, that the decision was made to overthrow the Mobutu regime.

In early December 1996, a rebel detachment of no more than 500 fighters successfully attacked the AZ garrison in the city of Beni, numbering over 1 thousand bayonets. The rebels secured their right flank and opened their way into the province of Upper Zaire. And this was the last time the alliance publicly announced large enemy losses. Subsequently, the rebels only disseminated information about their humane attitude towards government soldiers. This had a positive effect; AZ military personnel preferred to surrender without putting up stubborn resistance to the alliance troops.

In mid-December, units of the Ugandan army entered the northeastern lands of Zaire to support the rebels. By the end of December, alliance troops captured all the eastern lands of Zaire and began to move deeper into the country. By the new year, 6 thousand rebels, supported by units of the regular troops of Rwanda and Uganda, were advancing in three main directions: in the north - through Upper Zaire to Isiro, in the center - on Kizangani, and in the south - along the shore of Lake Tanganyika.

At this time, General Mahel Bakongo Lieko led the Zairian troops. The new AZ commander established his command post in Kizangani. The troops subordinate to him were divided into three sectors: sector N (nord) covered Upper Zaire and the Kizangani region; sector C (centre) defended Kinda and the central regions of the country; sector S (sud) covered the province of Katanga.

Mobutu did not trust his army and brought in foreign mercenaries. His “White Legion” included about 300 “soldiers of fortune.” The legion was led by Belgian Christian Tavernier. The mercenaries' actions were covered from the air by four Mi-24 helicopters with Ukrainian and Serbian crews. Mobutu purchased these Mi-24s from Ukraine. But military luck was not on his side.

AZ troops left the city of Vatsa on January 25, 1997. The rebels took the port of Kalemi on February 8, and Isiro fell to them on February 10. In mid-February 1997, Angolan government forces entered the war on the side of the rebel alliance. The capital of Eastern Zaire, the city of Kizangani, fell on March 15. The rebels captured most of the entire fleet of Zairian artillery and military equipment.

The final act of this war and the fall of the Mobutu regime were almost lightning fast. The capital of Katanga province, Lubumbashi, came under the control of the alliance on April 9. Alliance forces were rapidly approaching Kinshasa. The speed of the rebel advance increased significantly and amounted to 40 km per day. Angolan troops also took part in the campaign against Kinshasa. Already on April 30, Kikwit came under the control of the rebels, and on May 5, their troops approached Kenga (about 250 km east of Kinshasa). Here the rebels unexpectedly met stubborn resistance from AZ troops and UNITA troops. The SPD battalion and about a company of UNITA fighters stubbornly defended the bridge over the Kwango River and even tried to counterattack several times, but lasted no more than a day and a half and were forced to retreat due to the threat of complete encirclement. In this battle, the alliance forces suffered the greatest losses during the entire war. There were two more desperate attempts by AZ forces to stop the alliance's advance - in the battles for the bridges over the Bombo (14–15 May) and Nsele (15–16 May) rivers.

Rebel troops appeared on the outskirts of Kinshasa on the night of May 16-17. Mobutu had already left the country by that time. The capital of Zaire was defended by about 40 thousand AZ soldiers, some of them were unarmed, and about 1 thousand UNITA fighters. Most of the generals fled the country following Mobutu. In order not to drown the capital in blood, the AZ commander, General Makhele, began negotiations with the alliance, for which he was killed by the dictator’s supporters. Kinshasa fell into the hands of the alliance on May 20, 1997. After Mobutu was overthrown, Kabila became the new president. The country became known as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

The military losses of each side did not exceed 15 thousand people killed. There is no exact data on civilian casualties. According to international human rights organizations, about 220 thousand Hutu are missing.

GREAT AFRICAN

After the rebels captured Kinshasa, foreign allies, troops from Rwanda and Uganda were in no hurry to leave the territory of the DRC. Some units of the Rwandan army were located right in the capital and behaved there like owners. To resolve the crisis, President Kabila (who took the name Désiré) on July 14, 1998, removed the Rwandan James Kabarebe from the post of Chief of the General Staff of the DRC Armed Forces and appointed the Congolese Celestin Kifua to this post. Two weeks later, the head of the DRC thanked the allies for their help in the last war and ordered them to urgently leave the country. By August, Kabila began to negotiate with Hutu militia fighters to cooperate and supply them with weapons. In Kinshasa and other cities of the country, mass pogroms began against Tutsis.

At the beginning of August, two units of the Congolese army rebelled - the 10th brigade in Goma and the 12th brigade in Bukavu. On the morning of August 4, a plane with 150 RPF army soldiers landed at a military camp near the city of Cabinda, where up to 15 thousand former AZ soldiers who joined the ranks of the rebels were being retrained. Soon the rebels, with the support of the allies, captured significant territory in the east of the DRC.

By August 13, the Banyamulenge rebels and their allies captured the port of Matadi, and the city of Kizangani (the diamond center of the DRC) fell on August 23. And at the end of August, the rebels and occupiers were already near Kinshasa and threatened it with a complete blockade. In Goma, the Banyamulenge/Banyamasisi rebels and their supporting forces announced the creation of a new political entity, the Movement for the Liberation of the Congo (MLC), which took over the leadership of the rebel movement; An alternative Congolese government was created.

Military operations took place throughout the country. The battle formations of government troops consisted mainly of scattered strong points. The MLC forces advanced along the roads; there was no front line. The DRC army and the forces supporting it were defeated almost everywhere; rebel sabotage groups took over its operational lines. The situation of the DRC government was critical; the president was feverishly looking for allies, turning to the governments of most African countries for military assistance, and even trying to enlist the support of Cuban leader Fidel Castro.

Finally, President Kabila's diplomatic efforts bore fruit. Zambia, Zimbabwe and Angola entered the war on the side of Laurent Kabila. A little later, troops from Chad and Sudan arrived in the DRC. In September, paratroopers from Zimbabwe landed in Kinshasa and defended the capital from being captured by rebels. At the same time, units of the Angolan army invaded the territory of the DRC from the province of Cabinda and launched a series of attacks on the rebels. As a result, the rebels and their allies were forced to retreat to the east of the country. Starting in the fall of 1998, Zimbabwe began using Mi-35 helicopters in battles. Angola also sent Su-25 aircraft purchased from Ukraine into battle. The rebels responded effectively by using anti-aircraft guns and MANPADS.

Kabila managed to maintain his power in the west of the country, but the east of the DRC remained behind the rebels, on whose side were Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi. Kinshasa was supported by Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Chad, and Sudan. Libya provided financial support to the DRC and provided combat and transport aircraft.

In early December, fierce battles broke out for the cities of Moba and Kabalo on the shores of Lake Tanganyika, where the rebels and the opposing troops of the DRC and Zimbabwe suffered significant losses. As a result, the city of Moba remained in the hands of the DRC army, and Kabalo remained in the hands of the rebels.

In December, fighting broke out in the north of the country on the banks of the Congo River. The DRC army and its allies were supported from the air by Sudanese aviation. The fighting went on with varying degrees of success. By the end of 1999, the great African war had been reduced to a confrontation between the DRC, Angola, Namibia, Chad and Zimbabwe against Rwanda and Uganda. In the fall of 2000, Kabila's government troops (allied with the Zimbabwean army), using aircraft, tanks and cannon artillery, pushed the rebels and Rwandans out of Katanga and recaptured most of the captured cities.

In the south of the country, the 8th Squadron of the Zimbabwe Air Force was active during 2000. It consisted of four Su25s (purchased in Georgia) with Ukrainian crews. Several dozen “crocodiles” (Mi-35) of the Air Forces of Congo, Rwanda, Namibia and Zimbabwe fought in the air over the DRC, some of them were piloted by aviation legionnaires from the CIS countries. In 2000, Congo purchased from Ukraine 30 BTR-60, six MT-LB tractors, six 122 mm 2S1 Gvozdika self-propelled howitzers, as well as two Mi-24V and Mi-24K helicopters each.

The rebels did not have absolute unity in their ranks. In May 1999, Ernest Uamba left his post and was replaced by a Rwandan protege who led the movement. Then the MLC fell apart into several factions that were at war with each other. In August, clashes broke out between Rwandan and Ugandan troops in the town of Kizangani. Soon Uganda signed a ceasefire agreement with the DRC. By decision of the UN Security Council on February 24, 2000, 5,537 French peacekeepers were sent to the DRC.

On January 16, 2001, Laurent-Désiré Kabila was killed by his own bodyguard. His son Joseph Kabila took over as president of the country. During 2001–2002, the regional balance of power did not change. The opponents, tired of the bloody war, exchanged sluggish blows.

In April 2001, a UN commission established evidence of illegal mining of Congolese diamonds, gold and other valuable minerals by the military of Rwanda, Uganda and Zimbabwe.

At the beginning of 2002, Congolese rebels broke away from the control of the Rwandan president, many of them refused to fight and went over to the DRC side. Clashes occurred between the rebels and the Rwandan military. Finally, on July 30, 2002, Rwanda and the DRC signed a peace treaty in Pretoria. And on September 6, a peace treaty was signed between Uganda and the DRC. Based on this agreement, on September 27, 2002, Rwanda began the withdrawal of its units from the territory of the DRC. The rest of the conflict participants followed her. This formally ended the second Congolese war. According to various estimates, from 2.83 to 5.4 million people died in it from 1998 to 2003 alone.

In May 2003, civil war began between the Congolese Hema and Lendu tribes. In June 2004, Tutsis launched an anti-government rebellion in South and North Kivu. The next leader of the rebels was Colonel Laurent Nkunda (a former ally of Kabila the Elder), who founded the National Congress for the Defense of the Tutsi Peoples. The fighting of the DRC army against the rebel colonel lasted for five years. This was followed by the M23 uprising in April 2012, which swept through the east of the country. In November of the same year, the rebels managed to capture the city of Goma, but were soon driven out by government forces. During the conflict between the central government and M23, several tens of thousands of people died, more than 800 thousand people were forced to leave their homes.

THE OTHER SIDE OF WAR

The DRC remains unstable to this day. The country has one of the largest contingents of peacekeepers; according to the UN Security Council resolution, the number of blue helmets (MONUSCO) is set at 19,815 people. Now in the DRC there are about 18.5 thousand military personnel and 500 military observers MONUSCO, as well as 1.5 thousand police officers. Peacekeepers are fighting various paramilitary groups operating mainly in the east of the country.

During the great African war, the government in Kinshasa was helped by: China, Libya, Cuba, Iran, Sudan, North Korea. Donors to Rwanda and Uganda included the UK, Ireland, Denmark, Germany and the USA. As it turned out, this support was not provided free of charge. To some extent, this war affected Russia, Ukraine and other former Soviet republics. Transport aviation, most of the combat aircraft and helicopters of each of the warring parties were piloted by Russian and Ukrainian pilots, and were serviced by technical personnel of the same nationality.

During the war, Rwanda and Uganda exploited diamond mines and rare metal deposits in the east of the DRC. Angola was involved in the theft of oil and diamonds, Zimbabwe controlled the mining of copper and cobalt in Katanga. Tantalum (Ta), which is used in the production of computer equipment and mobile phones, turned out to be the most attractive for businessmen. Its large deposits are located in the southeast of the DRC. Tantalum mined in the Congo is called “Colombo-tantalite,” abbreviated as “coltan,” and up to 200 tons of its ore are exported per month. The largest consumers of this metal are the USA and China.

In the east of the DRC, fighting is still ongoing. The next presidential elections are due to take place in Rwanda in 2017; it is unknown whether they will be free. Since the end of July 1994, Tutsis have been in power in the country; the presidential post has been occupied by a representative of this people, Paul Kagame. Let me remind you that the majority of the population of Rwanda are Hutus, who are burdened by the dominance of the Tutsis.

In Burundi, this year's delayed presidential and senate elections will take place sooner or later. Three forces are fighting for power: those who want harmony between Tutsi and Hutus; those who care for Tutsi hegemony, and those who want Hutu supremacy in the country. The most interesting thing is that the last two movements, irreconcilable enemies, have now united. The situation in Burundi at present is vaguely reminiscent of what it was in Rwanda in the spring of 1994. No one can guarantee that the process of political struggle in Burundi will not go into an uncontrollable phase and the flywheel of the conflict, which already once led to the great African war, will not spin up again.