Race and racial politics in contemporary Brazil. Racial or ethnic quasi-democracy Racial democracy

In Masters and Slaves (port. "Casa-Grande & Senzala"), published in 1933. Freire did not use the term in the book, as he coined it later. His findings paved the way for other scholars to popularize the idea of ​​racial democracy. Freire identified some of the reasons for the phenomenon - the close relationship between masters and slaves in Brazil before the liberation of the latter in and the mild nature of the Portuguese colonial policy, which did not divide people into strict racial categories. Freire predicted an increase in the miscegenation of the Brazilian population, its gradual "whitening" and its transformation into a special higher "meta-race".

Over time, the term became widely known among Brazilians. Racial democracy is a matter of national pride, set against the racial prejudice still alive in the US.

Criticism

Since the publication of Thomas Skidmore's "Black in White" (Eng. "Black to White") in , a revisionist study of racial democracy, many scholars have criticized the claim that Brazil is a "racial democracy". According to Skidmore, racial democracy was invented by white Brazilians to hide existing forms of racial discrimination. Michael Hankard, a sociologist at Johns Hopkins University, believes that the ideology of racial democracy promoted by state bodies hinders the adoption of effective measures to overcome racial discrimination by the authorities, assuming the absence of such discrimination a priori. Hankard and other opponents of the theory consider Freire's predictions of "whitening" the Brazilians and turning them into some kind of superior race as racist. He summarized the research of other scholars on racial discrimination in Brazilian society in education, employment and electoral politics. The critical point of view can be summarized briefly by Florestan Ferdandez's phrase "Prejudice about the absence of prejudice".

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Politics Symbolism Geography Economy History Population culture Science and technology

Racial democracy (((list)))

Racial democracy (((list)))

History ideologies Manifestations Violence Movements and organizations anti-racism Racism by country

An excerpt characterizing Racial Democracy

- I'm sorry, I would need you; but you're right, you're right. We don't need people here. There are always many advisers, but there are no people. The regiments would not be like this if all the advisers served there in the regiments, like you. I remember you from Austerlitz ... I remember, I remember, I remember with the banner, ”said Kutuzov, and a joyful flush rushed into the face of Prince Andrei at this memory. Kutuzov pulled him by the hand, offering him his cheek, and again Prince Andrei saw tears in the eyes of the old man. Although Prince Andrei knew that Kutuzov was weak in tears and that he now especially caresses him and pities him because of the desire to show sympathy for his loss, Prince Andrei was both joyful and flattering in this memory of Austerlitz.
- Go with God on your own path. I know your road is the road of honor. He paused. - I felt sorry for you in Bucarest: I should have sent. - And, changing the conversation, Kutuzov began to talk about the Turkish war and the peace concluded. - Yes, they reproached me a lot, - said Kutuzov, - both for the war and for peace ... but everything came on time. Tout vient a point a celui qui sait attendre. [Everything comes on time for someone who knows how to wait.] And there were no less advisers there than here ... - he continued, returning to the advisers, who apparently occupied him. - Oh, advisers, advisers! - he said. If we had listened to everyone, we would not have concluded peace there, in Turkey, and we would not have ended the war. Everything is faster, and the soon comes out for a long time. If Kamensky had not died, he would have disappeared. He stormed the fortresses with thirty thousand. It is not difficult to take a fortress, it is difficult to win a campaign. And for this you do not need to storm and attack, but you need patience and time. Kamensky sent soldiers to Ruschuk, and I sent them alone (patience and time) and took more fortresses than Kamensky, and forced the horse meat of the Turks to eat. He shook his head. And the French will too! Believe my word, - Kutuzov said, inspired, hitting his chest, - I will eat horse meat! And again his eyes filled with tears.
“However, will it be necessary to accept the battle?” - said Prince Andrew.
- It will be necessary, if everyone wants it, there is nothing to do ... But, my dear: there is no stronger than those two warriors, patience and time; they will do everything, but the advisers n "entendent pas de cette oreille, voila le mal. [they don't hear with this ear - that's what's bad.] Some want it, others don't. What to do?" he asked, apparently waiting for an answer. "Yes, what do you order to do?" he repeated, and his eyes shone with a deep, intelligent expression. "I'll tell you what to do," he said, since Prince Andrei still did not answer. "I'll tell you what to do and what am I doing. Dans le doute, mon cher, - he paused, - abstiens toi, [In doubt, my dear, refrain.] - he said with a pause.
- Well, goodbye, my friend; remember that I carry your loss with you with all my heart and that I am not your brightest, not a prince and not a commander in chief, but I am your father. If you need anything, come straight to me. Farewell, dove. He hugged and kissed him again. And even before Prince Andrei had time to go out the door, Kutuzov sighed reassuringly and again took up Madame Genlis's unfinished novel Les chevaliers du Cygne.
How and why this happened, Prince Andrei could not explain in any way; but after this meeting with Kutuzov, he returned to his regiment reassured about the general course of the case and about the one to whom it was entrusted. The more he saw the absence of everything personal in this old man, in whom there seemed to be only the habits of passions and instead of the mind (grouping events and drawing conclusions) only the ability to calmly contemplate the course of events, the more he was calm that everything would be the way it was. should be. “He won’t have anything of his own. He won’t invent anything, he won’t do anything, thought Prince Andrei, but he will listen to everything, remember everything, put everything in its place, won’t interfere with anything useful and won’t allow anything harmful. He understands that there is something stronger and more significant than his will - this is the inevitable course of events, and he knows how to see them, knows how to understand their significance and, in view of this significance, knows how to renounce participation in these events, from his personal waves aimed at other. And most importantly, thought Prince Andrei, why do you believe him, is that he is Russian, despite the Janlis novel and French sayings; it is that his voice trembled when he said: “What have they brought!”, and that he sobbed, saying that he would “make them eat horse meat”. On the same feeling, which everyone more or less vaguely experienced, was based the unanimity and general approval that accompanied the popular, contrary court considerations, the election of Kutuzov to the commander in chief.

(port. democracia racial listen)) is a term sometimes used to describe race relations in Brazil. Reflects the widespread belief in the absence of racism and racial discrimination in Brazilian society. Many experts claim that Brazilians are free from racial prejudice. Because of this, in Brazil, race is not a factor in social mobility.

The concept of racial democracy was put forward by the sociologist Gilberto Freire in his book Masters and Slaves (port. "Casa-Grande & Senzala"), published in 1933. Freire did not use the term in the book as he coined it later. His findings paved the way for other scholars to popularize the idea of ​​racial democracy. Freire identified some of the reasons for the phenomenon - the close relationship between masters and slaves in Brazil until the liberation of the latter in 1888 and the mild nature of the Portuguese colonial policy, which did not divide people into strict racial categories. Freire predicted an increase in the miscegenation of the Brazilian population, its gradual “whitening” and its transformation into a special higher “meta-race”.

Over time, the term became widely known among Brazilians. Racial democracy is a matter of national pride, set against the racial prejudice still alive in the US.

Since the publication of Thomas Skidmore's "Black in White" (Eng. "Black to White") in a 1974 revisionist study on racial democracy, many scholars criticized the claim that Brazil is a "racial democracy". According to Skidmore, racial democracy was invented by white Brazilians to hide existing forms of racial discrimination. Michael Hankard, a sociologist at Johns Hopkins University, believes that the ideology of racial democracy promoted by government agencies hinders the adoption of effective measures to overcome racial discrimination by the authorities, assuming the absence of such discrimination a priori. Hankard and other opponents of the theory consider Freire's predictions about "whitening" the Brazilians and turning them into some kind of superior race as racist. He summarized the research of other scholars on racial discrimination in Brazilian society in education, employment and electoral politics. The critical point of view can be summarized briefly by Florestan Ferdandez's phrase "Prejudice about the absence of prejudice".

Bibliography:

1. Gilberto Freire. Masters and Slaves: A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization. The Masters and the Slaves: A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization. Translated by Samuel Putnam. Berkeley, University of California Press. (English)

2. Thomas E. Skidmore. Black in White: Race and Nationality in the Brazilian Mind. Black into White: Race and Nationality in Brazilian Thought). New York: Oxford University Press, 1974. (English)

3. Michael Hankard. Orpheus and Power: "Movimento Negro" in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil, 1945-1988 Orpheus and Power: The Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil, 1945-1988). Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. (English)

Military bureaucratic regime

Democratic regime

Democracy is a political regime in which the people are recognized as the only source of power, power is exercised by the will and in the interests of the people. Democratic regimes are formed in the rule of law states

Authoritarianism (from lat. auctoritas- power, influence) - a characteristic of special types of regimes based on the unlimited power of one person or group of persons while maintaining certain economic, civil, spiritual freedoms for citizens. The term "authoritarianism" was introduced into scientific circulation by the theorists of the Frankfurt School of Neo-Marxism and meant a certain set of social characteristics inherent in both political culture and mass consciousness in general.

a socio-political system based on the subordination of the individual to the state or its leaders;

social attitude or personality trait, characterized by the belief that in society there should be strict and unconditional devotion, unquestioning subordination of people to authorities and authorities.

An authoritarian political regime means a lack of democracy, both in terms of free elections and in the management of state structures. Often combined with the dictatorship of an individual, which manifests itself to one degree or another. Authoritarian regimes are very diverse. These include:

The military-bureaucratic regime of authoritarianism usually arises in the form of a military dictatorship, but in the further political development, various kinds of civilian professionals begin to play an increasingly important role. The ruling coalition is dominated by the military and bureaucrats, lacking any integrating ideology. The regime can be both non-party and multi-party, but most often there is one pro-government, by no means mass, party. The military and bureaucrats are usually united by the fear of a revolution from below, so the elimination of the influence of radical intellectuals on society seems to them a necessary condition for its further development. This problem is solved by the regime with the help of violence and/or closing the access of intellectuals to the political sphere through electoral channels. Examples of military-bureaucratic regimes were: the reign of General Pinochet in Chile (1973-1990), military juntas in Argentina, Brazil, Peru, Southeast Asia. Pinochet said: Not a single leaf moves in Chile without my will. General Martinez (El Salvador, 1932) philosophized: "It is a greater crime to kill an insect than a man." About 40 thousand peasants became victims of his anti-communist purges, as a result of which the Indian culture in the country was essentially finished. The slogan of General Ríos Montt (Guatemala) was: A Christian must carry a Bible and a machine gun. As a result of his Christian campaign, 10,000 Indians were killed and more than 100,000 fled to Mexico;

Corporate authoritarianism is established in societies with fully developed economic and social pluralism, where corporate representation of interests becomes an alternative to an overly ideological mass party and an addition to one-party rule. Samples of the corporate regime - the reign of António de Salazar in Portugal (1932-1968), the regime of Francisco Franco in Spain. In Latin America, the lack of broad political mobilization of the masses has repeatedly allowed the introduction of corporate representation of interests;

Pretotalitarian authoritarianism is a regime established at a certain stage in the development of the political systems of some countries. To orders of this type, H. Linitz refers fascist mobilization regimes, which - in comparison with military-bureaucratic and corporate authoritarianism with their only weak party - are less pluralistic and liberal, more participatory and democratic. We are talking about states where democracy previously existed, but after the fascist leaders came to power, evolution began in a totalitarian direction. The pre-totalitarian nature of the regime determines a number of important political, social and cultural factors, including:

· a fairly influential political group, oriented towards a totalitarian utopia, has not yet consolidated its power and institutionalized the new system;

· institutions such as the army, church, interest groups, while maintaining sufficient autonomy, legitimacy and efficiency, seek to limit pluralism in their favor;

· a situation of social uncertainty, when some expect that the former political and social structures will be able to absorb the totalitarian movement, while others doubt the success of this process.

Post-colonial authoritarianism in the form of one-party mobilization regimes arises after the former colonies gained independence and is created from below in societies with a low level of economic development. As a rule, post-colonial independence is such only in formal legal terms. The basis for mobilizing broad public support for the new regime is most often nationalist slogans of protecting independence, overshadowing any internal strife and conflicts. However, with the aggravation of economic problems and the activation of anti-systemic opposition forces, the rulers are forcing them to limit or completely eliminate experiments with free political competition. The level of political participation of citizens becomes low, which determines the weakness of the positions of the leaders of such states, which is manifested in frequent coups, assassinations of rulers;

This is a type of authoritarianism, where the political process could be called democratic, since a certain racial or ethnic minority is allowed to participate in it, but other such groups are legally or de facto excluded from politics, and with the use of violence. An example of racial democracy is the former regime of South Africa with its ideology of apartheid;

Gilberto Freire in Masters and Slaves (port. "Casa-Grande & Senzala"), published in 1933. Freire did not use the term in the book, as he coined it later. His findings paved the way for other scholars to popularize the idea of ​​racial democracy. Freire identified some of the reasons for the phenomenon - the close relationship between masters and slaves in Brazil before the liberation of the latter in and the mild nature of the Portuguese colonial policy, which did not divide people into strict racial categories. Freire predicted an increase in the miscegenation of the Brazilian population, its gradual "whitening" and its transformation into a special higher "meta-race".

Over time, the term became widely known among Brazilians. Racial democracy is a matter of national pride, set against the racial prejudice still alive in the US.

Criticism

Since the publication of Thomas Skidmore's "Black into White", a revisionist study of racial democracy, many scholars have criticized the claim that Brazil is a "racial democracy". According to Skidmore, racial democracy was invented by white Brazilians to hide existing forms of racial discrimination. Michael Hankard, a sociologist at Johns Hopkins University, believes that the ideology of racial democracy promoted by state bodies hinders the adoption of effective measures to overcome racial discrimination by the authorities, assuming the absence of such discrimination a priori. Hankard and other opponents of the theory consider Freire's predictions of "whitening" the Brazilians and turning them into some kind of superior race as racist. He summarized the research of other scholars on racial discrimination in Brazilian society in education, employment and electoral politics. The critical point of view can be summarized briefly by Florestan Ferdandez's phrase "Prejudice about the absence of prejudice".

Notes

see also

Administrative divisions of Brazil

Brazil is a federal state consisting of 26 states (estados) and one federal (capital) district.

Afro-Brazilians

Afro-Brazilians (port. Pretos, Negros, Africanos, rarely Afro-Brasileiros) are one of the main population groups of modern Brazil. The number of 12.9 million people or 6.9% of the country's population.

They live everywhere, but the largest concentration of blacks is observed in the north-east of the country, especially in the state of Bahia. In the second half of the 20th century, many blacks left the bankrupt plantations and moved to large cities in the south of the country. The most famous Afro-Brazilian in the world is football player Pele.

White Brazilians

White Brazilians (port. brasileiros brancos) are one of the racial categories of the Brazilian population, traditionally used in the country's population censuses. White Brazilians are predominantly of European descent and have Caucasoid racial traits. Representatives of the Mediterranean type predominate, and depending on the region, white Brazilians also have significant admixtures of Indian and Negro blood, which is explained by the processes of long-term miscegenation during colonial Brazil and the policy of racial bleaching after independence was achieved in 1822. According to the 2010 census, 47.3% of the country's population, or about 91.1 million people, considered themselves white. There is a white population in all states of the country, but most of it is concentrated in cities, as well as in the four southern states of the country, which have a cooler subtropical climate. White Brazilians traditionally form the basis of the country's middle class, as well as almost all of its political and economic elite. It should be noted that the relative proportion of white Brazilians in the country has been continuously declining since the early 1960s, when it peaked at about 63% of the population. The language is Brazilian Portuguese.

Brazilian Portuguese

Brazilian Portuguese, Brazilian Portuguese (português do Brasil) or Brazilian Portuguese (português brasileiro), code: pt-BR is the language variant of Portuguese used in Brazil.

Differences between the European form and other dialects / language variants of the Portuguese language (European, African, Asian) are estimated differently by different scientists [how?]. In general, they are small, although they are noticeable at all levels of the variant, especially in phonetic terms. Since the middle of the 20th century, the Brazilian version has become predominant in the world of Portuguese studies, and most of the large-circulation scientific publications in the Portuguese language focus on it, including in Portugal itself. The Lisbon variant, however, persists in the territory of Portugal itself, as well as, to varying degrees, in the territory of the former colonies in Africa and Asia. This situation is largely due to demographics: the population of Brazil has already exceeded 200 million people, which is almost 20 times the population of Portugal (10 million). 85% of the Lusophones of the world now live in Brazil and only about 5% in Portugal. The relationship between the Brazilian and European varieties is much like the situations in Spanish and English: the number of speakers outside the original country of origin of the language is many times greater than the population of that country.

Brazilians

Brazilians (port. Brasileiros) are one of the largest nations in the world, constituting the main population of Brazil. Number of about 191 million people. (over 95% of the country's population; 1970 estimate), 189 million people (2008 estimate). They speak Portuguese (it differs in some features). Religion - Catholicism, Protestantism.

Vice President of Brazil

The Vice President of Brazil (port. Vice-presidente do Brasil) is the second most important official in the executive branch of Brazil. The vice-president replaces the president in the event of the impossibility of the latter to fulfill his duties, and holds his post while he is vacant. Florian Peixoto was the first vice president of Brazil in 1891.

From 1891 to 1964, the Vice-President of Brazil also simultaneously served as President of the Federal Senate.

Michel Temer was the last vice-president of Brazil to date. He took office on January 1, 2011, thus becoming the country's 25th Vice President. Since August 31, 2016, after Temer took over as President of Brazil, the post has been vacant.

Brazilian foreign policy

Brazil has great political and economic influence in Latin America, and is also an important player on the world stage. The Ministry of External Relations is responsible for its foreign policy.

Brazil's policy is in strong competition with the United States in relations with other Latin American countries.

Brazil engages in multilateral diplomacy within the Organization of American States and the United Nations, and improves ties with developing countries in Africa and Asia.

Second Brazilian Republic

The Second Brazilian Republic is a period in the history of Brazil that lasted from 1946 to 1964.

Coat of arms of Brazil

The coat of arms of Brazil was approved on November 15, 1889, 4 days after Brazil became a republic. The coat of arms consists of a central emblem framed by branches of the coffee tree on the left side and tobacco on the right side, these are important agricultural crops in Brazil. The constellation Southern Cross is depicted in the blue circle in the center. The 27 stars next to it represent the 26 states of Brazil and the Federal District. The blue ribbon contains the state's full official name (República Federativa do Brasil - Federative Republic of Brazil) in the first row. The second shows the date of foundation of the federal republic (November 15, 1889).

Anthem of Brazil

The national anthem of Brazil (port. Hino Nacional Brasileiro) was originally created on April 7, 1832, but was not officially recognized until the proclamation of the republic in 1889. The decree approving the anthem was signed on January 29, 1890. The modern text of the anthem was approved on September 6, 1922, the day before hundredth anniversary of the independence of Brazil. Lyricist - Osorio Duque Estrada, composer - Francisco Manuel da Silva.

State structure of Brazil

Brazil, like all South American states, is a presidential republic.

Brazilian Constitution

The Brazilian Constitution is the fundamental law of the Federative Republic of Brazil. The current Brazilian constitution was adopted on October 5, 1988.

The Brazilian Constitution is the source of the legal powers that underlie the existence of Brazil, and establishes the foundations of the political, legal and economic systems of the country, the foundations of the legal status of citizens of Brazil.

Population of Brazil

The main population of the country - Brazilians - is one of the largest and most mixed groups in the world. The total number is about 190.7 million people. (2010 census).

National Congress of Brazil

The National Congress (port. Congresso Nacional do Brasil) is the legislative body (parliament) of Brazil. It consists of two chambers: the upper - the Federal Senate (81 seats) and the lower - the Chamber of Deputies (513 seats). The powers of the chambers are distributed according to their competence (see the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Deputies).

Holidays in Brazil

National holidays in Brazil are defined by laws No. 662 (1949), No. 6802 (1980), No. 9093 (1995) and No. 10607 (2002). States and municipalities are free to set their own holidays.

President of Brazil

The President of Brazil (officially the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil or simply the President of the Republic) is the head of state in Brazil, head of the executive branch and commander-in-chief of the Brazilian Armed Forces. The position was introduced in 1891 after the adoption of the first republican constitution. Deodoro da Fonseca became the first president of Brazil.

red-bellied thrush

The red-bellied thrush (lit. Turdus rufiventris) is a songbird of the thrush family, common in South America. National symbol of Brazil.

Sports in Brazil

Sports in Brazil are widespread. Football is the most popular in this country.

In 2016, the XXXI Summer Olympic Games were held in Rio de Janeiro.

Languages ​​of Brazil

Brazil is a multilingual country with over 175 languages ​​currently spoken, both immigrant and aboriginal. Over 120 more languages ​​have disappeared in recent centuries. However, the main language of the country is Portuguese, the only official language of the country. Other languages ​​are spoken by less than two tenths of a percent of the Brazilian population. Nevertheless, one of the native languages, Nyengatu, has become the second official language of the municipality of São Gabriel da Cachoeira in the state of Amazonas.

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