3.1.2.3. Wagner G.K. Byzantine temple as an image of the world
(Byzantine time period, vol. 47, M.: Nauka, 1986, pp. 163-181.)
Georgy Karlovich Wagner (+1994) - Doctor of Art History, specialist in the field of theory and history of architecture.
ORIGINS OF THE EARLY BYZANTINE TEMPLE. EARLY CHRISTIAN BASILIA
No matter how spiritual the ideas of the apostolic times about the temple were, the development of a new cult required its “visible means.” The main confessional judgment here is this; although the freedom and spirituality of the new faith have nothing to do with the physicality and visibility of each of the media, and although the influence on a person is a completely spiritual influence, nevertheless, the mystery, the secrecy of this action necessarily requires for itself some visibility and appearance, as a means and method for influence on a person - a spiritual-physical being. This problem probably became acute already in apostolic times. If we keep in mind the East, then synagogues could not be so “visible through.” The Jerusalem Temple could not perform these functions either. In addition, this temple was destroyed in 70. If we keep in mind the West, then in the end not only the catacombs, but even the pagan basilicas ceased to satisfy, although the early Christian basilicas were built in rather similar forms. Small centric structures dating back to the Roman tradition (mostly of a funerary nature, the so-called memorials) were also not suitable for public worship, although in more late time their architecture will have its influence on the Christian temple. This is where the question arises: what was the essence of the new “visible medium,” that is, the Christian temple?
It is hardly possible to answer this question by turning, for example, directly to the Roman basilica of San Paolo Fuori le Mura (386), which M. Dvorak considered “the pure embodiment of the spirit of the new Christian architecture.” After all, the most complex creative work of this spirit was needed before it could receive such a “pure incarnation.” Unfortunately, M. Dvorak, who is very sensitive precisely to the spiritual side of the history of art, in this case for some reason left the semantic aspect aside. Meanwhile, it was precisely the new understanding of the temple that determined its imagery. The point is not so much that the Christian basilica as a work of art “is just a certain artistic environment, the task of which is to arouse a feeling of reverence in the human soul and control this subjective psychological process, to be a mediator in the spiritual contact of man with God and with the mysteries of divine revelation “It is unclear here exactly how the above-mentioned “pure embodiment” of the new spirit came about in the Christian basilica. This is easier to understand if we proceed not from any one feature of the Christian temple (especially arbitrarily singled out by us), but from those of its interpretations that took place in ancient times: transformative (Old Testament), historical (topographical) and symbolic-apocalyptic (liturgical). Such a complex interpretation did not emerge immediately, just as the architecture of the Christian church was not immediately determined, so we need to start from afar.
The pagan basilica (“royal palace”) of Roman times preserved much of what constituted the essence of the Greek peripterus. The latter, as is known, was considered the dwelling of the deity and the repository of his property (the Egyptian temple also had this function). The statue of the deity was located at the end of the cella, but the space of the cella was not at all intended for worshipers; they were not even allowed here, which fundamentally distinguishes the cella from the naos of a Christian temple. The function of the far eastern room, located behind the statue of the deity (opisthodes), is also excellent. This is not an altar (it was located in front of the statue), but a repository of the wealth of the temple (that is, in the end - the deity).
As the dwelling of a deity, perceived in Greece in a sensually harmonic anthropomorphic form, the pagan basilica itself is completely sensually anthropomorphized and even heroized, as much as possible in architecture. No one like N.I. Brunov did not feel or describe this anthropomorphism and heroism of the Greek peripterus, which is, in the words of M. Dvorak, “the pure embodiment of the spirit” of Hellenic architecture. Its anthropomorphism is contained not only in the sculpture placed on the pediments and metopes, but also in the very sculptural nature of the architecture, and precisely in anthropomorphic sculpturality, since the column is associated with the heroized figure of a person, and all the columns taken together are associated with the heroized collective. By the way, the last quality, i.e. “collectivism” of the anthropomorphized image of the peripterus, deprives it of that personal character, without which a Christian temple would be unthinkable, no matter how spiritualistic it may be portrayed. The “collectivism” of the peripterus, projected onto the collectivism of the polis and through the polis onto the harmony of the cosmos, imparted cosmological symbolism to the Greek temple, but rather in the sense of internal harmonization, rather than in a formal sense. Although, as we will see below, the rectangular shape could also be understood as hereditary and sacred.
In a pagan Hellenistic basilica, the emphasis is shifted from the outer colonnade to the inner one, which, with the central nave sporadically open (Pompeii), makes such a basilica look like a peristyle. At the same time, the Hellenistic basilica is often closed with columns on all four sides and does not have an apse, which brings it closer not only to the peristyle, but also to the peripter.
It would be a mistake to think that the Hellenistic basilica did not reflect general ideas about the world and was not its symbolic image. Hellenistic thinking, which inherited the idea of a harmonized cosmos (Pythagoras, Plato), precisely at this time developed a categorical apparatus in aesthetics for the conceptual expression of such abstract objects as the reflection of one phenomenon through another. For example, in Plotinus we find the doctrine of the beauty of the cosmos, the concept of the image as a similarity to the prototype, and the development of the symbolic function of imagery. However, the predominantly civil functions of the Hellenistic basilica undoubtedly weakened its symbolism. In this regard, much more “semantic” were the centric structures going from the mausoleum of Augustus through the Pantheon to the mausoleum of Constanta in Rome. Their circular forms can, to some extent, be traced back to Plato’s concentric system of the universe and to that “obsession with roundness” that is characteristic of early ideas about the universe and harmony. Related architectural ideas would not be alien to the creators of early Christian baptisteries and martyriums, and they would later be adopted by “great architecture.” But in the time of Constantine, the main type of Christian church became the basilica. Constantine not only handed over some old pagan basilicas to Christians, but also built new ones for them in the spirit of the old ones. The main question here is: did the adherents of the new religion perceive the rectangular shape of the basilica as an inevitable necessity or did they put their own meaning into it? A priori, of course, we can say that one does not exclude the other. But what is important to us is not the pragmatic, but rather the principled, semantic side of the issue. And here there is every reason to believe that already at the dawn of Christianity a certain content was invested in the rectangular shape of the temple (basilica). There is no need to look for its origins in symbolism ancient East, in which the number 4 was given a mystical meaning, nor in the Akkadian, Assyro-Babylonian cosmographic theories about the four-tiered structure of the universe. The path leads us straight to the “Apostolic Constitutions” (III century), in which, when recommending the construction of a Christian temple in an oblong manner (“like a ship”), they directly “had in mind the Old Testament temple structure.” Little of. The founders of “Christian gnosis”, Clement of Alexandria and Origen, in their teachings about the structure of the world in the form of a quadrangular ark, proceeded from the ancient Jewish tradition. And this is quite natural. No matter how strong the hypnosis of Hellenism was, one cannot help but admit that early Christian ideas about being, space and time developed primarily the Old Testament tradition. In connection with the ongoing in the III century. With the centralization of Christian cult and ritual, this also affected the most sacred areas. “...The structure of the entire Christian daily worship, starting with Vespers and Matins, as well as to a large extent the liturgy, is borrowed from synagogue practice.” In the same way, “early Christian hymnography appears as an organic continuation of the Old Testament,” leaving almost no room for new examples. Because of this, the early Christian temple structure could not ignore the Old Testament, which affected the understanding of the pagan, and then the early Christian basilica itself, as a kind of new tabernacle. So little attention has been paid to this so far that the issue deserves special consideration. It is worth recalling how the Old Testament idea of the sanctuary developed.
For a long time after the Exodus, there seems to have been no incentive for the architectural design of worship among the Israelites, except for temporary altars of earth and rough stones. It is only with the epic “command” (on Mount Sinai) to build a sanctuary (tabernacle) that we first encounter the “temple problem.”
It is important to note that the sanctuary (tabernacle) was not conceived as the dwelling place of God, but only as the place of his “dwelling” among the people: “And they will build a sanctuary for Me, and I will dwell in the midst of them.” Dwelling must be understood only as a place of appearance, which was indicated very specifically: above the golden lid of the Ark of the Covenant, in the middle of two cherubim: “There I will reveal myself to you (Moses) and speak to you.” The Ark of the Covenant, as is well known from the book of Exodus, is “indicated” in the shape of a rectangular box (two and a half cubits long and one and a half cubits wide, i.e. in proportion 3:5). The tabernacle is “given” in the form of a light covered quadrangular storage of the ark (in the proportion of 1:3) and an even wider, open enclosure (in the proportion of 1:2), consisting of precious coverings on poles and pillars. The entire tabernacle was thus calculated to be transferred, since the Exodus had not yet reached its final destination.
It is unlikely that the shape of the tabernacle was born a priori as some kind of Jungian “archetype”. At the same time, the symbolic in it is inseparable from the functional and it is very difficult to say what was decisive here. Let us not look for this “absolute material center”, but, implying the importance of the first, let’s start with the second. The Tabernacle was supposed to accommodate everyone. This required a fairly large and not necessarily covered courtyard (“tabernacle of meeting”). Subsequently, it will be perceived as a symbol of the Universal Christian Church. For the priests and the Ark of the Covenant, a special room was required, divided in two, the first half of which could only be entered by the priests, and the second half behind the veil was a place for the Ark of the Covenant. The structure of this “holy of holies” thus required an elongated rectangular shape, which determined the rectangularity of the courtyard. This is about function. But at the same time, the rectangular (box) shape of Noah’s Ark was taken into account. It is possible that the design of the tabernacle and the Egyptians’ idea of the “box” shape of the earth had an impact. In this regard, it is significant that the oldest (predynastic) Egyptian temples are reconstructed in a form very similar to the tabernacle. Neither Clement of Alexandria nor Origen, of course, knew these reconstructions, but everything else was well known to them, since the translation of the books of the Old Testament (Septuagint) by this time had already been made and accepted by the Christian Church.
The functioning of the tabernacle had its own specifics. If the appearance of God was associated with the place above the mercy seat of the ark (in the “holy of holies”), then the “glory of the Lord” in the form of a cloud filled the entire tabernacle. As we can see, this is sharply different from the anthropomorphism of the pagan temple. There everything is sensually materialized and concretized, here everything is abstractly spiritualized and symbolized. There the deity, embodied in a statue, lives in the cella, here only the voice of God or His glory in the form of a cloud appears to Moses. The existence and image of God remain invisible in the “global darkness.” The function of the Jewish temple is expressed even more clearly in the “house of the Lord,” which was built by David’s son, King Solomon. Solomon's temple, incomparably superior in wealth and monumentality to the portable tabernacle, was also nothing more than a place of prayerful appeal to God. The words were put into Solomon’s mouth: “Truly, shall God live on earth? Heaven and the heaven of heavens cannot contain You, much less this temple that I have built.”
So, unlike the pagan temple, which served as the dwelling of the deity, the Jewish temple was only a place of prayer to God, who remains invisible and dwells in cosmic space. How did this affect the architecture of the sanctuary?
The first thing that can be unmistakably stated is the reorganization of semantics into a higher cosmological plane. It is no longer the empirical harmonious man who acts as the measure of all things (including the temple and the cosmos), but the idea of a transcendental God living in boundless space, in the “sky of heavens.” Naturally, since boundless space turned out to be the most defining ontological feature of the invisible God, then the spatial idea should have formed the basis for the interpretation of both the tabernacle and the Jerusalem temple. True, the books of the Bible itself do not directly say anything about this; here we begin to deal with later ideas. But they are no less important for our topic.
An early interpretation of the “earthly (Mosaic) tabernacle” as a kind of “image shown on the mountain,” that is, “the true tabernacle, which the Lord pitched, and not man,” was given by the Apostle Paul. He does not clarify his understanding of the image. In any case, it was still far from the Areopagite theory of similar and dissimilar images. Subsequent statements (after Paul) (Clement of Alexandria, Origen) mainly develop the concept of a similar (i.e., isomorphic) image, as follows from the book of Genesis:
“And God said, Let us make man in our image (and) after our likeness.” Most likely, this is how the Apostle Paul understood the image. The “earthly tabernacle” (image) existed, according to Paul, since “the way into the sanctuary has not yet been opened,” that is, it “is an image of the present time” in relation to the miraculous “true tabernacle” (prototype), which is Christ, or rather - his godmother Sacrifice. From what has been said it follows that the Mosaic tabernacle was already understood in apostolic times dialectically both as an image of the archetype and as a prototype of the Christian “heavenly church.” Since the tabernacle was correlated with “heaven itself,” with the “house of God,” it was endowed with unlimited spatial content, so the concept of “image of the world” is quite applicable to it. In any case, long before Cosmas Indicoplos (VI century) extended this concept to the tabernacle, Origen, Eusebius Pamphilus and Basil the Great compared the universe with the temple, and the temple (for Origen - the church) with the universe. In this regard, it is interesting that one of the churches built by Constantine was called the “church of peace.” We must assume that this was the grandiose basilica that Constantine built in Jerusalem. The entrance to it, like the tabernacle, was from the east. However, only in Kozma Indikoplov we first encounter a detailed interpretation of the tabernacle as an image of the world, and therefore we need to specifically dwell on it. At the same time, let us remember that Kozma Indikoplov was very archaic in his views and in cosmological ideas did not go further than the Egyptians.
The interpretation of the Goat Tabernacle as an image of earth and sky, that is, the universe, is reflected in his famous work “Christian Topography”.
We have seen that the concept of an image as an isomorphic image of a prototype was already (through the book of Genesis) in the vocabulary of the Apostle Paul, which means that it should have received even more specific content from Kozma Indikoplov. By this time, the theory of similar and dissimilar images had already been developed in detail and deeply by Byzantine thinkers, especially in the “Areopagitica” of Dionysius the Areopagite. Based on the Areopagite theory, we can even assert that in the concept of “image” (image of the world) Cosmas Indicoplov put the condition of isomorphism (similarity), i.e., the image was understood by him precisely as “similar” or “similar”. In other words, Kozma believed that the Mosaic Tabernacle, in its structure, recreated the structure of the world (universe).
Kozma Indicoplov denied the sphericity of the earth. The rectangular shape of the tabernacle in the proportion 1:2 (together with the courtyard) reflected precisely this, according to Kozma, form of the universe, the “model” of which is presented in different positions in his work. Of course, it would be very interesting to establish whether Kozma was based only on the biblical text or whether he, while in Alexandria, adopted the “box” shape of the earth from Egyptian cosmology. But this would take us far astray. Let's return to the tabernacle.
Just as the earth at creation was divided (through the firmament) into two spaces - the earth itself with the “second heaven” (firmament) and the sky itself (the “first heaven”), so the tabernacle of Moses was divided by the veil into two parts: the first - the “holy” ( current visible world) and the second is the “holy of holies” (the future world). The earth before the Flood was thought of by the Indicoplanus Goat as lying beyond the ocean surrounding the earth. In the eastern part of this overseas land (in the biblical Eden) paradise is located. Accordingly, the entrance to the tabernacle was from the east, so that the “holy of holies” was moved to the western part of the tabernacle. This should be noted, since this prepared the image of paradise in the Christian church on its western wall, as part of the composition of the Last Judgment.
Can we also consider the tabernacle (as a “feedback”) a model of the universe? The answer to this question is not as simple as it seems. If we can conditionally call the “view of the universe” “built” by Kozma Indikoplov (in the drawings) a “model of the universe,” then, of course, not because it was its copy, but only because Kozma Indikoplov thought of it as such. From his point of view, he “scientifically substantiated” the reproduced species, so that epistemologically it is more likely a “model” rather than an image. Kozma’s creation can only be called an image based on the material and technique of its implementation, since these are nothing more than drawings. In this respect, the tabernacle can be considered a symbolic anticipation of the “model” of the universe, a kind of “generative model” (of course, with the extremely conventional meaning of this modern term). There is no contradiction here with the fact that the tabernacle was not an allegorical image (not dissimilar), but “similar.” The similarity of the image and its symbolism were combined and permeated each other, since the concept of symbol by this time also acquired (from the same Dionysius the Areopagite) a double meaning - real and speculative. “Real symbols” are, in essence, the same similar images. They “simultaneously designate and actually manifest what is signified.” The tabernacle acted as such a symbolic image of the world, and its important function was manifested in this symbol.
After what has been said about the tabernacle, it goes without saying that the Christian church was conceived not as the dwelling of God, but as a house of prayer. “Is it not written: “My house shall be called a house of prayer for all nations?”
The transformative function of the tabernacle, of course, was not limited to the formal side of the Christian temple. In the latter, the symbolism of the tabernacle was also adapted. But at the same time, the decisive role was played by the symbolism of the “holy places” in Jerusalem, which no Christian church could pass by. It's about on the topographical interpretation of the temple.
It was already said above that the open courtyard of the tabernacle was perceived in the spirit of the universal character of the Christian church (according to Ex. 14. 1-3). Topographically, this part closest to the entrance corresponded to the atrium of the Jerusalem Temple, which preceded the temple itself. This could also include everyone. The Holy of Holies of the Tabernacle (i.e., the first compartment of the sanctuary proper) is comparable to the Jerusalem Temple, and later to the naos of the Christian temple, which will be called the “ship of the faithful” (see below). The Holy of Holies (the place where the ark of the Covenant is kept), separated by a veil, will determine the symbolism of the altar of a Christian temple as the Bethlehem Cave (the Cave of the Holy Sepulcher in the Temple of Jerusalem). The symbolism of the Ark of the Covenant itself will be transferred to the throne, etc., down to individual altar items.
The symbolism received a more in-depth understanding in the eschatological interpretation of the temple. The naos of the basilica is “our world”. The altar and the upper parts of the walls are the “heavenly Kingdom” into which Christ, having ascended, was the first of all to enter. This idea of two levels of temple space fully corresponds to the early medieval two-tiered image of the world, in which the Old Testament and Platonic traditions “mixed with each other.” Since, however, the world of transcendence was thought of as an infinite space, and the “habitat” of the Deity was beyond the boundaries of any space, then, naturally, this broad transcendental cosmological perception of the world extinguished any impulse to a clearly expressed plastic design of space. The less tangible, neutral the material shell of the temple was, the better the temple, its space (like a wooden-textile and open tabernacle) merged with the infinity of the world. If such or similar features are noted even in some Hellenistic basilicas (and N.I. Brunov admitted in this an echo of Egyptian traditions), then they are even more clearly expressed in the early Christian basilicas. There is no anthropomorphism here, there is no plastic “feeling of the wall,” especially since neither the catacombs nor the cave temples of the early Christians could cultivate such a feeling.
It seems that the presented understanding of the dematerialization of architectural forms of the early Christian basilica sufficiently explains its tectonic essence.
The second thing that should also be emphasized and that also needs clarification is the strengthening of the longitudinal movement within the Christian basilica. If in a number of basilicas the proportions characteristic of the tabernacle were preserved 1:2 (100 feet long and 50 feet wide), then the longitudinal dimensions gradually increased, and, for example, in the Corinthian Basilica of Leonidas (V-VI centuries) the proportions are expressed in the ratio 1:3 ( without apse and vima). At first glance, this relationship can also be traced to the tabernacle (see above) or to the temple of Solomon, which was 60 cubits long and 20 cubits wide, but this would be extremely artificial.
If indeed, as some researchers believe, “the perspective of the temple (i.e., the basilica), visible from the atrium through the narthex, often became the subject of special attention of the architects” and “each part of the building had in the eyes of Christians a certain measure of sacred value, increasing as it approaches altar”, then in the longitudinal accentuation of the space of the basilicas there was a perfect reflection of that mental “striving forward”, forward from the exhausted Mosaic “law”, forward to the New Testament, which was characterized by a new sense of historicism.
Of course this way is from Old Testament to the New was thought in symbolic form. It “began” from the west. The western part of the temple is a kind of preparation place. In early Christian churches, springs for washing feet were installed here in front of the entrance as “symbols of holy cleansing.” Further in the narthex there was a place for the catechumens. Baptisms were sometimes held here. Even further to the east (in the naos or oratorium, mainly in the side naves) there was a room for the “faithful”. It was precisely this path of salvation that was stretched out so that this path of salvation could be really, physically tangible. It is not for nothing that the longitudinal nave of the basilica was called a ship (in Latin navis means ship). “The shape of churches like a ship inspires believers that only the Church can lead us across the sea of life to a heavenly haven.” As we saw above, such “metaphorization” has been going on since apostolic times. Researchers write a lot about the rhythm of the long rows of columns of the basilica, as a kind of self-sufficient stylistic quality. With this rhythm, first of all, the path of salvation was counted: “I am the door: whoever enters by Me will be saved.” As they were saved, the worshipers were distributed in the basilica, some “at the best pillars”, some just at the entrance.
The opinion given above was that the sacred value of parts of the building increased with approach to the altar. In this gradation there are three main divisions: narthex, naos, altar. They correspond to the three main divisions of Christian society: catechumens, faithful, shepherds. Similar hierarchical structure when translated into cult-architectural design and functioning, it required the longitudinal composition of the temple.
Of course, this type of temple did not receive full recognition everywhere and not immediately. Deviations from the main line were in different directions. In Georgia, for example, the centric composition was preferred to the basilical one, for which there were reasons. Let's get back to the main point.
Embodying the image of the world, the Christian temple was first and foremost a temple. If in its material capacity it served as a “visible means” for the manifestation of the power of the Divine and for communication with Him, then in its spiritual quality this “visible means” was “an instrument and, as it were, a conductor for man of the grace of God.” Here we come close to the liturgical justification of the Christian temple. Its importance is recognized by researchers, but in most cases characterizing Russian art criticism, the question is either limited to general phrases about attention to the requirements of the liturgy, or the role of the latter is recognized only from the 5th century. In view of the very weak development of this important issue, I do not take the liberty of bringing complete clarity to it, but, in any case, the following must be taken into account.
When correlating the forms of the temple and its paintings with liturgical requirements, one must proceed from public worship as a whole, that is, evening and morning, and not just from the liturgy as such. If we keep in mind only the liturgy, we will never understand why, given the relative structure of its structure, church paintings are structurally noticeably different. This also has to do with the shape of the temple.
Speaking about the functionality of the longitudinal form of the temple, we should not forget that in essence the entire divine service was a “longitudinal”, i.e., a linear-historical process. Already before the 3rd century. it split into morning and evening, and from the 3rd century. the night pre-holiday (Saturday) vigil became as obligatory as the liturgy. The Eucharist, however, was first included in evening service, but soon took center stage in the morning. The liturgy, in turn, was very early divided into the liturgy of the catechumens and the liturgy of the faithful. Before the Liturgy of the Faithful began, the catechumens had to leave the temple. For the convenience of this, the western part of the temple was assigned to them. The longitudinal shape of the temple was most suitable here. But this is not enough. Since all worship was of a linear-historical nature, the service developed in this way. Vespers and Matins at the all-night vigil symbolized the salvation of humanity in the Old Testament, the appearance of Christ in the world and his preaching.
We must assume that this is why evening services, according to the Typikon, were previously held in the western vestibule or narthex. By the 4th century. The course of the all-night vigil has already taken shape, which is very important for our topic.
During the all-night vigil, which, naturally, was attended by the catechumens, after the evening entrance and the litany of petition, the moment came when the clergy had to perform a common (with the catechumens) “zealous prayer,” which was called litia (introduced by John Chrysostom). To perform it, the clergy went from the altar to the narthex (or generally to the western part of the temple) to the catechumens, where the lithium took place (until the 4th century, the function of the lithium was performed by the reading of Scripture and the laying on of hands on the catechumens).
Along this path, several stops were supposed to be made, the places of which were marked by colored stripes (potemions) running parallel to the salt. They also designated places for various categories those praying. All of the above sufficiently explains why the Byzantines preferred a temple layout elongated along the longitudinal axis.
In accordance with the development of worship, the paintings were also placed: from depictions of Old Testament scenes in the narthex to the Christological cycle in the naos.
Liturgy as such also presupposed longitudinal space. In the 6th century. When the patriarch (or emperor) entered the temple, the welcoming ceremony took place in the narthex in front of the royal doors. A short service was held here. Only after this the entire synclite solemnly marched to the altar.
The temple paintings of the early period are very poorly preserved, but from what we know, we can judge that they were subordinated to the new, “historicized” symbolism of Christian worship, which ultimately recreated the “historicized universe.” Thus, already in the frescoes of the Dura Europos synagogue (Syria, early 3rd century), despite their hieratic style with the dominance of frontality, we see scenes of Old Testament history arranged in four rows, up to global flood, and in the painting of the Christian chapel - episodes from the creation of man to the story of David. Moving on to Roman soil, we find a developed biblical cycle in the ship Santa Maria Maggiore (first half of the 5th century), dating back to the 4th century. and marked by ancient reminiscences. If in such paintings the history of the world came to the fore, and with it the historical aspect of worship, then in the paintings of domed churches of the 5th century, the spatial structure of the universe was naturally emphasized. Already in the mosaic of the mausoleum of Galla Placidia (Ravenna), the cross against the background of the starry sky gives the impression of boundless space. In the domed mosaic of the Ravenna Baptistery, the image in the center of the baptism of Christ, and around the apostles who spread his grace throughout the world, is directly related to the cosmological symbolism of such Christian concepts.
ORIGINS OF THE EARLY BYZANTINE TEMPLE. CENTRIC TRENDS
The very appearance in the V century. domed churches suggests that even “historicized” basilicas, despite their good connection with the course of the service, they did not sufficiently satisfy the developing worldview and, most likely, precisely because they did not completely (“not isomorphically”) express the image of the world. Eusebius (263-340) considered the temple “encompassing the entire universe,” “a mental image of what is above the vault of heaven.” It can be said that in his enthusiastic description of the temple he longed for the vault. This is probably why Eusebius thought that it would be better for a Christian temple to have a polygonal base. Basilicas, according to ancient tradition, were built with flat ceilings. Even that same Roman church of San Paolo Fuori le Mura, which M. Dvorak considered “the pure embodiment of the spirit of the new Christian religion,” did not fully correspond to the image of the world, since instead of a vault associated with the sky, naked rafter structures were revealed at the top. This discrepancy between the content and form of architecture was probably felt especially in the center of the church, where the pulpit was located and the most important liturgical actions arose - the “publicly visible” patriarchal or bishop’s vestments, the reading of the Gospel, the blessing of the loaves, the anointing of oil, etc. A grandiose symbol of heaven - the dome of the Roman Pantheon, presumably, did not give rest to the creators of the new ritual. The thoughts of not only Eusebius, but also Basil the Great were so imbued with the “idea of the vault” that a modern researcher could say: “Reading the “Conversations on the Six Days” ... you involuntarily imagine domed churches of the 6th century.”
Finally, one cannot help but take into account the fact that the central domed composition of such memorial buildings as baptisteries and martyriums (they have been known since the 4th century and even earlier), although they were of a personal nature, was ultimately also considered “an imitation of the cosmos, the universe, a cave.” peace." The largest and most sacred of these rotundal martyriums, the dome of which in ancient times was compared to the sky, was located in Jerusalem (Temple of the Sepulcher) and, undoubtedly, attracted the architectural thought of the entire Christian world.
All this created a contradictory situation: the basilicas did not satisfy the new demands because they were deprived of such a bright symbol of the universe as a vault. Purely circular (or generally centric) compositions with a vault were not satisfactory because their circular parameters were too clearly associated with ancient cyclism, which had neither beginning nor end. Let us recall that in the West, Augustine believed that “the wicked wander in circles,” and in the East, Basil the Great was forced to give a special explanation of the imaginary beginninglessness and infinity of the circle and allowed it only with the amendment that every circle has a “center.”
“NEW MODEL OF THE UNIVERSE” (TEMPLE-SPACE)
The best way out of this situation was to connect the basilica with the dome, which the Byzantines came close to. At the same time, the basilica beam ceiling is only gradually replaced by a vaulted one, first in the side naves, and then in the central one.
For the emergence of a domed basilica, some movement of architectural accents was required, primarily an increase in the space in front of the altar, which led to the construction of a transept, over which they began to erect a dome. Was this movement following “its own architectural laws” or, what is the same, “aesthetic” laws? Researchers of both processes do not see a functional moment here, i.e. influence of worship, since the same liturgical canon gave rise to different planning decisions. But if the functional factor is not understood so narrowly, then one can hardly deny the fact that the central-domed buildings, without being more convenient for worship, “worked” perfectly to create a new symbolic imagery. The historical aspect was sacrificed to the symbolic, but it was only partially sacrificed, since the basilical basis was still preserved. She required only a dome so that the temple could become a perfect image of the world. The tenacity and perseverance with which, despite many failures, the search for the most durable construction of the dome over the basilica was made, suggests that this idea truly embodied a new “model of the universe.”
The search for her is already in the 5th century. gave a wide variety of results both in Byzantium itself and in the west and east of the “Byzantine ecumene”, but considering them would be a very labor-intensive task, especially since not in all cases one can be sure that the reflection in new dome-type churches the image of the world was really perceived as a goal or one of the goals. Let us note only the general trend.
The desire to lengthen the basilicas along the west-east line did not last long and was replaced, on the contrary, by a tendency to shorten them. Of course, this was partly due to the search for a more solid foundation for the domed ceiling of the space, but it would be wrong to reduce everything to this. The fact is that the historicism that early Christian thought inherited from the Old Testament tradition quite early, if not exhausted itself, was subordinated to a kind of restoration of “static mental schemes of metaphysics and myth.” “Every step towards a more subtle intellectual culture (i.e., Byzantine) meant for Christianity an approach to an ontology of the Hellenic type, to Platonic or Aristotelian idealism.” We will not touch on what happened in the 3rd century. (Origen’s cosmologization of history), but already in the IV-V centuries. the ideas of the timeless eternity of the divinely established heavenly hierarchy significantly transformed early Christian historicism, as evidenced not only by the Areopagitics, but also by persistent attempts to create an architectural semblance of an ordered cosmos in the form of the predecessor of Justinian’s Sophia. Such a predecessor was the “Great Church” of Constantia, later called Sophia. It had five naves and a massive dome, but was burned in 404, then restored by Theodosius II and burned again in 532. The “time for praise” could not come to terms with this.
The architectural image of the universe and at the same time the universal greatness of Byzantium demanded implementation.
It cannot be said that the architectural thought of the era could not offer anything in this direction, except for the domed basilica. In such interesting buildings as San Lorenzo in Milan, the church in the Athens Library of Hadrian, the Red Church near Peruschitsa in Thrace, finally San Vitale in Ravenna, the Church of Sergius and Bacchus in Constantinople itself, the architects were able to create majestic spatial compositions that are easily associated with the greatness of the universe. And yet they seemed to be somehow unsatisfactory. But with what? I think, first of all, that with the clearly expressed centrism of architectural compositions, the course of the service could not be fully developed in its progressive historicism. In the Church of San Vitale, for example, Old Testament scenes were located on the side walls, which is why the impression of the Old Testament as a passed stage could not be created. He constantly reminded of his existence. The temple of Sophia of Constantinople (532-537) brought satisfaction, which should be considered as a “new model of the universe,” although I prefer the word “image” to the word “model.”
Architectural and archaeological studies of Justinian's Sophia allow us to believe that even if the previous churches of Sophia were not partially included in the masonry, then Justinian, or rather, the architects Anthymius and Isidore the Elder, revived the previously known form of the domed basilica. Justinian wrote the words: “Church improvement is the support of the empire.” One can, therefore, think that when building the Temple of Sophia, the emperor was guided by the desire to embody in it the global greatness of Byzantium, that is, through the grandiose temple as an image of the grandiose world, to glorify the grandeur of the empire and his power. This is also evidenced by the words of the same Justinian, allegedly said by him at the end of the construction: “I defeated you, Solomon!” For our topic, it is very important that the universal greatness of Sophia of Constantinople was recognized by contemporaries. Unfortunately, we do not know whether Kozma Indikoplov saw the new temple of Justinian. He wrote his “Christian Topography” in Alexandria, and its completion dates back to 545-547, that is, to the time when the dome of Sophia had not yet collapsed. Kozma’s “model of the universe” is very close to Sophia’s structure. For the poet Corippus (6th century), the dome of Sophia represented “an exact image of the sky itself.” Evagrius Scholasticus wrote about the same thing, in whom, however, we find an important “clarification” that the dome of Sophia is “like the vault of heaven on earth.” This has already begun a new understanding of the dome, and with it the temple, which will also be discussed.
The collapse of the dome of Sophia in 558 caused “general grief throughout the empire. Rhetors of that time composed mournful monophonic songs (monodies) about the fall of the famous dome.” In 560, when the restoration of the collapsed dome was apparently nearing completion, the famous work of Procopius “On Buildings” appeared, in which the “great” Temple of Sophia was described even before the collapse of the dome, but with signs of an imminent catastrophe. In this work, Procopius, brought up on ancient traditions, while paying tribute to the grandeur of the temple, still notes its harmonious proportionality. At the same time, it is noteworthy that almost one and a half millennia ahead he notices the most important features a new Byzantine view of the temple, which is now replete with modern research. This is the impression of its non-creation by man (“not by human power or art, but by God’s permission such a thing was completed”), the emission of light from within by the temple itself, and not by its appearance (“this place is not illuminated from the outside by the sun, but... the brilliance is born in itself") and, what is especially important, the subtle perception of the dome as if hanging in the air and lowered from the sky ("And it seems that it rests not on a solid structure due to the lightness of the structure, but on a golden hemisphere lowered from the sky"). This is amazing! Procopius does not resort to comparisons of the temple with the image of the world, but this image is drawn by itself (not created by man, the emission of light, the dome lowered from the sky and “hovering over the whole earth”). And one more thing: “...viewers still cannot comprehend art and always leave it, depressed by the incomprehensibility of what they see.” It can be said that the centuries-long study of Sophia of Constantinople has added almost nothing to this subtle characterization of Procopius.
Three years after the composition of Procopius, when the dome of Sophia was restored and the secondary consecration of the temple took place in 563, Justinian’s court poet Paul Silentiary dedicated a large (1029 verses!) poetic description to this solemn act (“Ekphrasis of the Temple of Hagia Sophia”), which was read by him first before the emperor (first part), and then before the patriarch (second part).
Paul the Silentiary is not as precise as Procopius, and he has many metaphors, which is not surprising, since Paul was a wonderful epigramist. Nevertheless, he expressed the same impression as the busy historian.
In the “Ekphrasis” of Paul the Silentiary, two points are most important and interesting for us: 1) its compositional structure is similar to the Temple of Sophia and 2) the figurative interpretation of the temple is given in the spirit of the “world-unifying mission of the Second Rome.”
The first is that Silenzarius, when describing the temple, used the central dome character of its composition: first the introductory part is presented in iambics, then the actual description of the temple is in hexameter, and finally the conclusion is executed in iambics. L.A. Freiberg, who made this interesting observation, compares the climax of Ekphrasis with the dome of the Temple of Sophia, the remaining parts with parts of the building gradually decreasing in volume. The symbol of the “world-unifying mission of the Second Rome” in “Ekphrasis” is not only the “variegated marble meadows” of its floor, but also the night lighting of the temple, compared with the famous Pharos lighthouse. The temple is a grandiose “ship” (Procopius), the temple is a “lighthouse” (Silentiary), these comparisons with the Sophia of Constantinople quite clearly reveal the universality of its architectural imagery. It is necessary to add to what has been said (and it would be more correct to start with this!) that the very dedication of the main temple of the empire to Sophia (Sophia the Wisdom) indicates the world-forming and world-ordering nature of its deep and at the same time sublime symbolism.
Without a doubt, the Hagia Sophia as a “new model of the universe” satisfied the most different functions. Its grandiose under-dome space, with a temple length of 77 m, a width of 71.7 m, a height of 55.6 m and a dome diameter of 31.5 m, could really be perceived both as a universe (Ptolemaic, of course), and as a symbol of the universal significance of Byzantium, Constantinople and Justinian himself. The temple was capable of accommodating up to ten thousand people; a large narthex served to separate them into the catechumens and the faithful. Choirs were intended for women. For the development of the divine service itself, in which twelve metropolitans with many concelebrants participated under the patriarch and emperor, a huge space under the dome was provided.
The question may arise: if the Temple of Sophia of Constantinople so fully and convincingly represented a “new model of the universe,” then why was this “model” not reproduced anywhere else? The easiest way, it would seem, is to say that the concrete historical situation that arose in Constantinople under Justinian the Great has never been repeated anywhere. Indeed, many medieval rulers liked to compare themselves (or were compared by flattering contemporaries) with Justinian or Solomon. But none of them, not even Charlemagne or Yaroslav the Wise, possessed such power. It’s just that the historical scale is no longer the same. As for Byzantium itself, then, naturally, the architectural double of the Temple of Sophia was practically not needed. As V.M. said well. Polevoy, “everything has been achieved. What else should we look for if not for the movement to freeze forever...” Moreover, we should not forget that in the X century. There was a second collapse of the dome of Sophia, the design of which, therefore, did not look ideal at all.
However, history would not be history if everything were actually achieved at least once. If the overly ambitious Justinian could feel himself “resting on his laurels” and “revel in” the “love for the splendor” of the eighth wonder of the world created by his will, then in other cities they did not even think of giving up the search for such architectural compositions that, with an incomparably smaller size, could satisfy the alluring image of the grandiose universe. Around the same time, the most interesting centric structures appeared, such as the cathedral in Bosra (511-512), the Church of St. George in Esra, and a number of Georgian and Armenian temples. Large churches of a cruciform plan in Constantinople itself (Church of the Apostles), in Ephesus (Church of John), on the island of Thassos and others express the same trend. True, there is no exact data confirming that they were really thought of as “models of the universe.” We can only assume this. But in the same VI century. There are known temples, the architectural image of which is directly connected with the universe, and their domes with the sky. Such is the Temple of Sophia in Edessa, in relation to which the above comparison is recorded in the Syriac Sugitha VI. Here is the text: “...her highly erected dome can be compared to the sky of heaven, and she is like a crown. Just as the stars sparkle in the vault of heaven, she exudes the radiance of a golden mosaic. Its vaults resemble both the corners of the universe and the vaults of clouds.” A.N. Grabar believes that the builders of the Temple of Sophia in Edessa were inspired by Sophia of Constantinople, from where the centric plan and dome came. For our topic, all this also has the significance that Edessa, together with Nisibis and Antioch, defines the boundaries of that geographical triangle, which was especially actively involved in the development of iconographic programs that over time formed “the basis of all Christian iconography.”
All VII, VIII and part of the IX centuries. passed in Byzantium under the sign of attachment to the central domed architecture in various versions. A parallel process took place in Georgia and Armenia.
MODIFICATION OF THE TEMPLE-SPACE (TEMPLE - “EARTHLY SKY”)
It still remains insufficiently clarified how, amid this almost universal reproduction of central-dome architecture in the Eastern Christian world, in which Christian world-creating symbolism was so expressively reflected, at the same time a structural redesign of the central-dome system into the so-called cross-dome system took place. If it is difficult to trace the logical stages of the constructive transformation itself, then it is even more difficult to identify its semantic background. After all, one does not have to think that cosmological symbolism has given way to some other one. Undoubtedly, it persisted. At the same time, when dealing with temples of the “Middle Byzantine” period, one cannot help but see that some elements of the previous image of the world have left it. In essence, changes began already with the crisis of the 7th century, which shook the entire empire. “The traditions of provincial art come to the fore, and this process is accompanied by a sharp increase in the value of purely sacred moments, becoming dominant in the new system of values.” The architecture of this time is represented mainly by monastic churches of a very small size, since the congregations of the monasteries were small in number. The functions of such a temple naturally differed from large city domed basilicas and central domed structures. Now theological thought is not burdened with ancient-secular reminiscences of an imperial scale and has more “withdrawn into itself.” With the deepening of the “philosophical-speculative” beginning of worship, the understanding of the temple as a “visible medium” changed. In Maximus the Confessor (582-662), although the church in general terms acts as “the image and image of God,” in private terms it is already “the image of the mental and sensory world, as well as the image of man and, in addition, the image of the soul.”
This is very far from the rationalizing idea of the cosmos. Now the “extracelestial world” appears in a mystically transformed form of “deification,” i.e., “a complete unfused union of the personalities of God and man” (except for essential identity), towards which the course of the liturgy was directed. The latter was understood not only as a real communion with the Divine (through the Eucharist), but also as a “heavenly liturgy”, during which, according to Patriarch Herman (715-722), “we are no longer on earth, but in heaven.” “At the same time, it is believed that the heavenly powers themselves are actually in the altar, taking part in the divine service.” This connection of heaven and earth is subtly expressed in the images of the akathist to the Mother of God (7th century):
"Rejoice, ladder of heaven,
God came down to us along it,
Rejoice, beautiful chain,
uniting heaven to earth..."
The liturgy itself from the 6th century. becomes noticeably more complicated. The small and great entrances, absent in early Byzantine times, are now becoming increasingly important, reaching their apogee, although much later, in the 12th-13th centuries. In connection with these entrances, the three-part (and three-door) altar becomes absolutely necessary. The iconoclasts did not encroach on worship; on the contrary, in the conditions of the struggle for icon veneration, its content deepened. Introduced by John Chrysostom, the lithium developed into a solemn night procession with the singing of hymns. Connected with this is the increasing importance of the narthex in the temple, in which the procession waited for the doors to open and the troparion was sung: “Take, O gates, your prince.” In the liturgy itself, the affirmation of antiphons foreshadowing “the coming of the Son of God from the Virgin to earth” and crying out: “Our God appeared on earth and was clothed with beauty,” most directly contributed to the rooting of the idea of the temple as “heaven on earth,” which we encountered already at Evagrius.
True, in John the Geometer (10th century) the likening of the temple to the universe still appears, but this is only an imitation, and it is in the earthly temple that the “removal of the contradiction between the spiritual and the material, heaven and earth” is carried out. Hence the strengthening of the symbolism of various parts of the temple. Also N.I. Brunov noted that if in the Sophia of Constantinople the dome is more graphic, then in the churches of the 10th-12th centuries. it is entirely symbolic. The dome pillars are compared with the saints on which the Church is established. Naturally, the cruciform vault system itself is also symbolic, representing a wide field for sacred images, which, in essence, was one of the reasons to call the new image of the temple “earthly sky.”
The appearance of the cross-dome system was not at all a step back. Vice versa! The cross-dome system made it possible to create large spaces with a guarantee against static errors or miscalculations that led to disasters with the dome of Sophia.
It is significant that the transformation of the temple-cosmos into the temple - “earthly sky” took place with strict adherence to a rectangular plan, which made it possible to preserve the narthex (for the catechumens, for meeting the highest clergy, for litia, baptism, etc.), to arrange circular walks (for the mass of worshipers ), choirs (for women), a three-part altar (for small and large entrances), and finally increase the number of chapters to three and five, which was also understood not only functionally (lighting the altar and choirs), but also symbolically. A certain diversity in the specific functions of the temples, and consequently in the compositional plans, determined in one case the preference for the basilica elongation of the building (large temples of Georgia of the “heroic age” with their national significance), in another - an almost square plan (small churches of the Byzantine province), which is also preserved in the large five-nave monuments of Constantinople.
For a cross-domed church - “heaven on earth”, even if it is a large five-nave building, there is a rather fractional division of the internal space by numerous supports (pillars, columns), which gave a person the opportunity to take possession of this space, not to dissolve in it, as was the case in the cosmic temple. In connection with this feature, N.I. Brunov considered the love for “dwarf proportions” (proportions of niches, columns, window openings), which contribute to a certain dematerialization of the image of the temple, i.e., the ideas of asceticism. However, the eastern branch of Byzantine architecture is distinguished by significant materialization, which is important for our topic.
The main thing in the cross-dome system, thanks to which it became optimally adequate to the medieval consciousness and therefore all-pervasive, was the ideal spatial-volumetric expression complex structure earthly and heavenly hierarchy. “The dome on the drum reveals the main vertical axis of the building. However, the dome grows from the intersections of two other spatial coordinates, revealed by the four barrel vaults of the ends of the cross.
As a result, the compositional basis of the cross-domed building is a compact arrangement of three main directions of space.” In this compact unity, all parts are connected hierarchically from the corner cell to the dome, and none of them can be removed without disturbing the whole. Such unity, of course, should have seemed extremely natural and harmonious, which is why it was adopted by world architecture until the 20th century. XX century Rus' came into contact with this amazing architectural phenomenon.
Temple- this is a special place, specially designed for every person to meet God, a place for worship, a place where believers gather. For a long time, as soon as Rus' adopted the Orthodox faith, churches began to be built on Russian soil, and with all the endless variety of their facades and interiors, they have one common idea for all. This idea is that every temple is a Church, and the Church is Christian teaching, is the Kingdom of Christ.
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Lesson on the subject "Origins".
Theme of the lesson: “The temple as an image of the Divine world.”
8th grade.
Target : reveal the meaning of the Orthodox church as an image of the Divine
Mira.
Tasks:
- Give an idea about symbolic meaning Orthodox church,
As an image of the Divine world.
- Expand children's knowledge about the Orthodox church and its structure.
- To develop interest in culture and motivation to study it.
- Continue to develop students’ aesthetic perception
Objects and phenomena of culture, respect for the past of the people,
Love for the Motherland, respect for works of art.
During the classes.
I. Accession.
I am very pleased to see your kind eyes, to feel that your kind hearts are prepared to meet another exciting journey to our origins.
Lesson steps:
I. Preparatory stage.
Guys, in the last lesson we began to study the section, the origins of the image. Please tell me how many worlds surround a person?(It has long been believed that we are surrounded by three worlds - Divine, natural and human).
What world have you not named yet?(World of Images).
What does the world of images include?(He is born creative activity person. A person has an ineradicable need to identify and understand the worlds around him, to pass them through his soul and heart).
How can the spiritual, divine world be reflected in human creativity?(The Divine World is beyond human vision, it does not fit into the human mind, and only a believing heart feels it).
II. Updating knowledge.
Guys, Now you hear the bells ringing, did you notice the photographs of our exhibition, what do you think will be discussed in our lesson today?(About temples).
III. Lesson topic message (1 slide). The temple as an image of the divine world.
Today in class we will talk about the temple. - Raise your hand, who visited the temple? - What did you see in the temple, what did you pay attention to? - Guys, none of you paid attention to the structure of the temple, its architecture?
Guys, open your notebook, on page 9, in front of you is a table where the architectural parts of the temple are presented. At the end of the lesson, you must match each part of the temple with the corresponding Biblical image and what it represents. Be careful.
IV. Learning new material.
1. Introductory conversation(teacher's story using presentation).
Temple - this is a special place, specially designed for every person to meet God, a place for worship, a place where believers gather. For a long time, as soon as Rus' adopted the Orthodox faith, churches began to be built on Russian soil, and with all the endless variety of their facades and interiors, they have one common idea for all. This idea is that every temple is a Church, and the Church, according to Christian teaching, is the Kingdom of Christ.(Slide 2). White church.
An Orthodox church stands out among other buildings with its appearance, attracting people's views with its special and beautiful outlines and forms that remind people of the heavenly among the bustle of earth.(Slide 3). Church on the street.
Russian temple builders managed to translate this idea into special ( Slide 4) Some photos. architectural images (through layout, shape, volumes). Ancient temples had four walls, strictly orientedto the four cardinal directions:east, south, west and north. This not only reminded us that the Church contains the entire visible earthly world, but also that it is addressed to all peoples. According to Biblical tradition, after the global flood the world was divided into four parts between the sons of the righteous Noah.
Particular importance in temple architecture is given to the eastern wall,
(Slide 5). Eastern part of the temple.since, according to the church view, the East is the “land of the living” and heavenly bliss. The Bible says heaven was in the east. Moreover, it is in the east that the Sun rises. And in Christian texts the Savior is often called “the Sun of righteousness, coming from the heights of the east.”(Slide 6). Savior in the clouds.Therefore, an altar was added to the eastern wall of the temple. And Victoria Sypko will tell us about the altar.
Report 1 student.
Translated into Russian, “altar” means “high altar.”(Slide 7). Altar1. It is in the altar during the service that a bloodless sacrifice is made (the priest uses a small spear to remove particles from the prosphora and places them in the Chalice). It is the altar that rises above the floor level of other parts of the temple. And finally, it is through the altar window that the first ray of light penetrates ( Slide 8) Ray through the window. The most important place in the altar is the throne - especially illuminated(Slide 9) Altar 2 quadrangular table on which the ceremony takes place Divine Liturgy and God Himself is invisibly present. In the center of the altar, on the throne, there is bread and wine in the Chalice(Slide 10) bowl, turn into the Body and Blood of the Savior and are taught to believers during communion as a source of immortality.
The altar is also an image of heaven. In the center of paradise there was a tree of life, the fruits of which gave eternal life.(Slide 11) tree. Now the image of a vine, which is placed on the royal doors leading to the altar, reminds us of the tree of life.(Slide 12) gate. ResearchersRussian architecture has long noticed that in ancient temples these gates were often called not royal, but heavenly.
Teacher: Thank you for message. Conclusion : The altar is part of the Church, which rises above the floor level of other parts of the temple; in the altar there is a throne on which the Divine Liturgy is celebrated and the Chalice with the Body and Blood of the Savior is located. The altar is an image of paradise, where eternal life is reflected.
If the East is the “land of the living” and a place of heavenly bliss, then the West is the country of the dying Sun, the abode of the dead, a region of darkness and darkness.(Slide 13) Western part of the temple.It is noteworthy that Golgotha is a hill,(Slide 14) Golgotha Hill on which Christ the Savior accepted his death, was in the valley of death, and the valley itself was in the west of Jerusalem and then went into the deserted distance to the shores of the Dead Sea(Slide 15) Dead Sea . It is not surprising that the custom arose here, on the western side of the temple, to perform burials. Images of the Last Judgment and hell are often placed on the wall itself.(Slide 16).
The middle of the templethere is an area of terrestrial space over which there is a dome, symbolizing the sky(Slide 17). But how can we depict the fact that the life of all living and believing people rests, as on pillars, on the Church? Creative imagination It suggested to church architects that the entire history of the Church should be represented in images.
This is how the idea arose about creating a church iconostasis (Slide 18).
Guys, why do you think that in the Orthodox tradition the iconostasis is called theology in images? Vika Sypko will answer this question for us.
Report 2 student.
The iconostasis represents the whole biblical story humanity before and after Christ came into the world. In large churches, as a rule, the iconostasis consists of five rows of icons (tiers)(Slide 19) Five-row iconostasis. These tiers are connected into a single whole. The lower tier is called local because it contains a local icon, that is, an icon of the holiday or saint in whose honor the temple was built. In the middle of the local row, there are the royal doors. Standing in front of the royal doors, we see to the right of them the icon of the Savior Jesus Christ, to the right - the local icon. To the left of the Royal Doors, as a rule, is placed the icon of the Mother of God, to the left are other icons. The second row from the bottom is festive, it contains images of the events of Christ’s earthly life, which became the basis for the most important holidays of the Church: the Nativity of Christ, Baptism, Transfiguration, etc. The third row, the apostolic one, includes images of Christ’s disciples - the first-called apostles Andrew, Peter, Paul, James, etc. The fourth prophetic row contains icons of the prophets of the Old Testament. The fifth row, the top one - the forefathers' row - contains faces from the most distant times: Adam and Eve, the righteous Noah with his sons and others.
Teacher. Thank you for message. Conclusion: So this is the iconostasis- altar a partition on which the entire history of the Church, Divine revelation and indication of the path of the Savior are represented in images.
Guys, on the walls of the temple are depicted major events church history(Slide 19), and on four pillars those are placed(Slide 20) representatives of the Church who were its faithful pillars - apostles, martyrs, bishops, ascetics. The Bible says by the Spirit of God: “He who overcomes will I make a pillar in the Temple of My God.”
Above the four pillars of the temple(Slide 21), where in their architectural form they resembled an arch (in Russian architecture this is called a sail), the temple builders placed images of four evangelists - Mark, Luke, Matthew and John(Slide 22).
Think about why in an Orthodox church the images of the evangelists are placed on the “sails”? ( Because on the sails are depicted four evangelists who spread the Gospel to the four corners of the world, and the Gospel is the teaching of Christ).
Report 3 student.
The entire temple space was crowned with the image of Christ the Pantocrator(Slide 23) Image of Christ Pantocrator, located on the inner hemisphere of the dome. It is important that from the outside they towered above this imageneck and head of the temple(in architecture this is often called a drum and a dome)(Slide 24) Drum and dome. And then the whole temple somewhat resembled a person: the body of the temple was the body, the drum was the neck, and the dome was the head.Christ is the Head of the Church - that is the meaning of this architectural image(slide 25).
Teacher: Thank you.
Of course, guys, church architecture is very diverse, but in any Orthodox church the creative power of the believing mind and heart reflects the image of the Universe and its Creator.
V. Individual stage.
We open our notebooks and work individually.
VI. Working in four.
(Slide 26).
VII. Class discussion. Expert review.
- Guys, think about how the creativity of the temple’s creators reflects images of the Divine world, how does it help to comprehend the beauty of the heavenly world?
(The internal view of the temple as a whole shows the image of the heavenly world, where the gaze of the believer is directed. Images of the heavenly world are reflected in icon painting, in the architecture and decoration of temples, cathedrals, in stories and descriptions of the lives of saints.
But for the creators (beginners) a special revelation from God is mandatory.)
How does the creator of a temple become a creator capable of reflecting the Heavenly, invisible world?
Christian temple reveals in the world the image of the Heavenly Kingdom of God, which, having existed since the beginning of time, awaits us in the future eternal life. The architecture of the temple is designed to show us this image, using its inherent means artistic expression through the symbolism of spatial composition and the synthesis of arts.
VIII. Reflection.
How does the work of icon painters and temple creators reveal images of the Divine world?
(An icon painter must strictly adhere to certain rules (canons) when creating images. The art of an icon painter is divinely inspired. God is the first and main teacher of the icon painter.)
What do you see as the beauty of these images? What helped you see this beauty?
What new things did you learn during this training?
IX. Resource circle. Guys, our lesson is coming to an end and I would like to end it with a resource circle, while conveying to you the image of the Savior. Tell:
What do you see when you are in the temple?
What do you hear while in church?
How do you feel being in the temple?
What do you see, hear and feel while in the temple?
What images come to your mind?
The Temple of God is a heavenly island on a sinful Earth.
So many different roads
Life spread out before me...
The road leading to the temple
Was an invisible path.
I walked and wandered, I was tired,
She sat down exhausted on a tree stump.
But unfortunately it didn’t become smaller
Beautiful wide roads.
I wish I could go (God bless him - with faith!)
To the high earthly shores,
Where is the fame, wealth, career -
The “temple” you built...
Grass by the wide road
There was a slight breeze...
And suddenly they chose their legs
One among hundreds of roads
And we moved towards the goal stubbornly
Now there’s no turning back from the path...
The road leading to the temple is
The only right way.
(Slide 27).
Expert review.
Architectural parts of the temple | Biblical image | What does the image represent? |
Four walls of the temple | The world divided into four parts between Noah and his sons | The Church contains the earthly world and is addressed to all peoples |
Eastern wall of the temple | "Land of the living" and heavenly bliss | Paradise was in the east |
Altar | Image of paradise | Life is eternal |
Iconostasis | Biblical history of mankind. Theology in Images | The images represent the entire history of the Church, Divine revelation and indication of the path of salvation |
Western wall of the temple | Region of gloom and darkness | Image of the Last Judgment and Hell |
Dome | Image - Christ Pantocrator | Christ is the Head of the Church |
Pillars | Apostles, martyrs, bishops, ascetics | The life of all living and believing people rests on the pillars |
Christian temple as an image of the world and Spiritual Heaven on earth.
As before, the temple is understood as an image of the universe, but not in its Jewish, and especially not in its pagan meaning. The idea of the Universe now stands as an image of the world created by the creator in his plan as an image of the Church of Jesus Christ, which is open to all those who thirst for truth and salvation (all the peoples of the world and all the limits of the Universe - Matt. 28:18-19; Acts 1:8). Therefore, the temple, which is called the word “ church "(and in the Greek version - “eklessia”, which means a meeting of people), acquires significant symbolism . The temple is a symbol shelters from passions by ship salvation sheep yard (the gathering of God's faithful sheep) and symbolizes bride, as the betrothed of Jesus Christ.
Traditionally, a Christian temple was built on a hill in the form of a ship or a cross. However, according to ancient Christian tradition, the temple could also have the shape of a circle or a star. The round shape of the temple is oriented towards circle as a symbol of infinity, eternity, this-worldliness of the temple space. The star is a symbol of that stars , which became a sign of the birth of the Savior. More common form temple-ship becomes a symbol of the Christian Church as the only possible place of salvation in the world of passions and temptations. Over time, bell towers began to be built next to the temple, the bells of which gathered believers with their ringing for prayer.
Every Christian temple is dedicated to the Lord God and its throne is the throne of the Lord. Therefore, we call every Christian temple the temple of God or the House of the Lord. But at the same time, every temple except this common name, inherent in any temple, has its own name, determined by which gospel event or which saint, venerable, martyr in the history of the New Testament Church it is dedicated. Therefore, if, as an example, we take the Assumption Cathedral Kiev-Pechersk Lavra or Ilyinskaya Church, then the first received its name in the name of the Assumption Holy Mother of God, and the second - Elijah the Prophet. The day of remembrance of a saint or a memorable event of the New Testament Church, in whose name the temple was founded, was named temple festival and worship is conducted there with special reverence.
Figurative-semantic system medieval art expressed the central idea of the medieval man’s picture of the world – the Christian idea of God. Art was perceived as a kind of biblical text, easily “read” by believers through numerous sculptural and pictorial images. Since the language of the Bible and worship was Latin, unfamiliar to most laypeople, the sculptural and pictorial images had a didactic meaning - to convey to believers the foundations of Christian dogma. In the temple, the entire Christian teaching unfolded before the eyes of a medieval man. The idea of the sinfulness of the world was reflected by the leading plot in the design of churches, sculptures and reliefs - scenes of the Last Judgment and the Apocalypse. Looking at the cathedral, a medieval person could, as it were, read Holy Scripture in the images depicted there. The same image of the Last Judgment clearly represented the theological scheme of the hierarchical structure of the world. The figure of Christ was always depicted in the center of the composition. The upper part was occupied by heaven, the lower by earth, on the right hand of Christ there was heaven and the righteous (good), on the left were sinners condemned to eternal torment, devils and hell (evil).
Strictly following the universal church canons, medieval artists were called upon to demonstrate divine beauty in figurative form. The aesthetic ideal of medieval art was the opposite of ancient art, reflecting Christian understanding beauty. The idea of the superiority of the spirit over the bodily, carnal is presented in the asceticism of images monumental painting and sculptures, their severity and detachment from outside world. The extreme conventionality of the entire figurative system of medieval art was reflected in the canons of constructing the human figure: linearity, solemn immobility, elongated oval faces and figures, wide open eyes, “disembodiment,” ethereal figures. Medieval painting does not know the perspective that reveals the depth of the picture. Before the viewer there is a planar development of the composition and the only visible movement is upward, directed towards the sky.
The most important feature of medieval art is symbolism. A sculptural or pictorial image is, first of all, a symbol, a certain religious idea captured in stone or paint. Like the Bible, icon painting is, first of all, a revealed word (the complete identity between painting and verbal texts was confirmed by the church already in the 8th century). The entire figurative structure of medieval art is symbolic (the long, almost sexless bodies of the apostles and saints express the idea of the spiritual principle overcoming sinful matter - the flesh).
The diversity of figures is another feature of medieval art. The size of the figures was determined by the hierarchical significance of what was depicted (which, by the way, made it easy to “recognize” the characters depicted). Christ is always greater than the apostles and angels, who, in turn, are greater than ordinary laymen.
XI - XII centuries V Western Europe This is the period of greatest power of the church. The creators of the Romanesque style were monasteries and episcopal cities. The Church during this period reduced the task of art to the need to show not visible beauty, but the true beauty of the spirit. The aesthetic ideal that arose in Romanesque art, the entire figurative and semantic system of Romanesque art was designed to solve the problem.
The contrast between the heavy, squat outlines of the cathedral and the spiritual expression of its images reflected the Christian formula of beauty - the idea of the superiority of the spiritual over the physical. The Romanesque cathedral was a symbol of the stronghold of the human spirit in art. Architecture, paintings, door reliefs necessarily complemented each other, forming a unity based on the subordination of the small to the large, reflecting the principle of the medieval hierarchy. The paintings of the Romanesque church create a special closed world, where the layman became a participant in the depicted scenes. Drama and expressiveness, intense spiritual expressiveness of pictorial images, characteristic of Romanesque painting (scenes of the Last Judgment, the struggle between angels and the devil for human souls - a common subject of temple paintings) had a huge emotional impact, reflecting the idea of the sinfulness of the world, the idea of redemption and salvation. The flat, two-dimensional image of paintings and sculptures of the Romanesque style, the generality of forms, the violation of proportions, and the monumental significance of the images symbolized the timeless, eternal in the understanding of the world.
Romanesque architecture was based on the achievements of the previous period (in particular, the Carolingian Renaissance) and was formed under the strong influence of the traditions of ancient, Byzantine or Arabic art, featuring a wide variety of forms. It exhibits many movements that existed in various areas of Western Europe and reflected local traditions and artistic tastes (for example, Italian Romanesque art was more strongly influenced by Byzantine traditions). Nevertheless, the Romanesque style by the 12th century. became the first pan-European style. This historical style of the mature Middle Ages, characterized by a commonality of types of buildings, their constructive techniques and means of expression.
The main structures of Romanesque architecture were the monastery complex of temples and the type of closed fortified dwelling of the feudal lord - the castle. In the 10th century A type of fortified dwelling developed in the form of a tower - a donjon, which was surrounded by a moat and rampart. By the end of the 11th century. They begin to build a separate building for the feudal lord’s home. The donjon now plays only defensive functions, serving as a refuge when taking defensive walls. The architecture of castles was deeply functional. As in temple architecture, thick, massive walls and towers, narrow windows, and a general expression of severity constituted their characteristic features.
Along with sculpture is a must integral part The Romanesque architectural ensemble was painting. Widely represented on the internal surfaces of walls biblical stories, episodes from the lives of saints. Romanesque painting was formed under the influence of Byzantine traditions. Following the iconographic canon, artists created flat figures with elongated proportions, with stern, motionless ascetic faces, which were perceived as symbols of Christian beauty - spiritual beauty that conquers sinful matter.
Outstanding monuments of Romanesque architecture include the Notre Dame Cathedral in Poitiers, the cathedrals in Toulouse, Orcinval, Arne (France), the cathedrals in Oxford, Winchester, Norwich (England), and the cathedral in Lund (Sweden). The cathedrals in Worms, Speyer and Mainz (Germany) became examples of late Romanesque style.
By the end of the 12th century. for changing Romanesque art Gothic comes (the term was first used by Renaissance historians to characterize all medieval art, which they associated with barbarian art).
The Gothic era (late XII - XV centuries) is a period when urban culture begins to play an increasingly important role in medieval culture. In all areas of life in medieval society, the importance of the secular, rational principle increases. The Church is gradually losing its dominant position in the spiritual sphere. As urban culture developed, on the one hand, church restrictions in the field of art began to weaken, and on the other hand, trying to make maximum use of the ideological and emotional power of art for its own purposes, the church finally developed its attitude towards art, which found expression in the treatises of philosophers of this time. Medieval scholastics argued that art is an imitation of nature. Although didacticism, the ability to express religious dogmas and values, was still recognized as the main task of art, the scholastics did not deny the emotional power of art, its ability to evoke admiration.
The design of the Gothic cathedral revealed new ideas of the Catholic Church, the increased self-awareness of the urban strata, and new ideas about the world. The dynamic upward thrust of all forms of the cathedral reflected the Christian idea of the aspiration of the soul of the righteous to heaven, where it is promised eternal bliss. Religious subjects retain their dominant position in Gothic art. Images of Gothic sculpture, personifying the dogmas and values of Christianity, the very appearance of the cathedral, all forms gothic art were intended to promote a mystical perception of God and the world. At the same time, a growing interest in human feelings, in beauty real world, the desire for individualization of images, the increasing role of secular subjects, the strengthening of realistic tendencies - all this distinguishes the Gothic style from the Romanesque as a more mature style of art that reflected the spirit of its time, its new trends - the awakening of reason and feelings, a growing interest in man.
The first Gothic forms in architecture appeared in Europe at the end of the 12th century, but the Gothic style flourished in the 13th century. In the XIV - XV centuries. there is a gradual “fading away” of Gothic (“flaming Gothic”).
Gothic architecture became a new stage in the development of the basilica type of construction, in which all elements began to obey a single system. The main feature of the Gothic cathedral is a stable frame system, in which the structural role is played by cross-rib lancet vaults, lancet arches, which largely determine the internal and appearance cathedral The entire weight of the cathedral's bulk fell on its frame. This made it possible to make thin walls in which huge windows were cut out. The most characteristic motif of Gothic architecture was the pointed arch, which seemed to stretch the building to the heavens.
The construction of Gothic temples was carried out not only by the church, but also by cities. Moreover, the largest buildings, and above all cathedrals, were erected at the expense of the townspeople. The purpose of the Gothic temple was not only cultic, it also served as the center of public life in the city. University lectures were given there and mysteries were played. Various kinds of secular and church ceremonies were also held on the cathedral square, attracting crowds of citizens. Cathedrals were built “by the whole world”; their construction often lasted decades, and sometimes several centuries.
The Gothic style received classical expression in France, which is rightfully considered the birthplace of Gothic. (Notre Dame Cathedral was founded in 1163 and was completed until the mid-13th century.) The most famous monuments of French Gothic are the cathedrals of Amiens and Reims (13th century), and the Church of Saint Chapelle (13th century).
Mature Gothic is characterized by an increase in verticalism, a greater upward focus. One of the most remarkable monuments of mature Gothic is Reims Cathedral - the place of coronation of French kings.
English cathedrals were somewhat different, characterized by their great length and peculiar intersection of pointed arches on the vaults. Most famous monument English Gothic – Westminster Abbey (XIII - XVI centuries).
The development of sculpture, which played a leading role in fine arts this period. Gothic sculpture is more subordinate to architecture and has a more independent meaning than Romanesque. In numerous niches on the facades of cathedrals were placed figures personifying dogmas Christian faith. Lively poses and slight bends give them mobility and dynamism, unlike Romanesque ones. The images of saints themselves have become more diverse, specific, and individual. The most significant figures were attached to columns in the openings on the sides of the entrance to the cathedral. Along with those placed in niches or attached to columns, there were also free-standing monumental statues (that is, sculpture in the modern sense of the word).
Thus, Gothic art revived sculpture itself, unknown to medieval culture since antiquity. Like Romanesque churches, the Gothic cathedral often contains images of monsters and fantastic creatures (chimeras). The characteristic features of Gothic sculpture can be reduced to the following: interest in the phenomena of the real world; figures representing the dogmas and beliefs of the Catholic Church become more realistic; the role of secular subjects is increasing; round plastic appears and begins to play a dominant role (although the relief does not disappear).
In the Gothic cathedral, painting is represented mainly by painting of altars. As the frame system was established and the wall became more openwork, the space in the cathedral for frescoes became increasingly narrower - they were more often replaced by stained glass windows. Stained glass opened up new possibilities for the medieval artist. Christianity gave light a divine and mystical meaning. The light pouring from the sky symbolized the light coming from God. The play of light penetrating through the stained glass led the laity away from everything concrete, earthly, and led to the intangible, luminous. The stained glass window seemed to muffle the physicality, expressiveness, and concreteness of the images of Gothic plastic art. The luminosity of the interior space of the cathedral seemed to deprive matter of its impenetrability and spiritualize it.
The Gothic style changed the appearance of the medieval city and contributed to the development of secular construction. Town halls with open galleries are beginning to be built in cities. The castles of aristocrats increasingly resemble palaces. Rich townspeople build houses with peaked gable roofs, narrow windows, lancet doorways, and corner turrets.
Traces of pagan beliefs of peasants can be traced in folklore, especially in fairy tales and sayings. Peasant folklore expresses a negative attitude towards the rich. The favorite hero of Western European fairy tales is the poor man. Heroes of folk tales often became Jean the Fool in France, Stupid Hans in Germany, and the Great Fool in England.
Secular and ecclesiastical literature used fairy-tale material from the Middle Ages quite widely. Around 1100, the Spaniard Petrus of Alphonse compiled a whole collection, which included 34 stories, including a number of tales about animals - “common stories”. The clergy compilers gave these stories a moralistic interpretation.
Fairy tale-narrative material was widely used in chivalric novels, in the short stories of Mary of France (12th century), in urban short stories of the 14th - 15th centuries, and in individual works of the Mastersingers. However, in all cases, this is only material; often only individual episodes, motives and details are used. Only from the middle of the 16th century. we can talk about the introduction of fairy tales themselves into literature.
Various kinds of evil spirits are a frequent hero of Western European folk tales. In many stories, the characters are animals with human abilities. In the 13th century These numerous stories were combined and translated into poetry - this is how the already mentioned famous medieval folk poem “The Romance of the Fox” arose.
Peasant ideas about a just life, about nobility and honor are heard in the tales of noble robbers, protecting the orphaned and disadvantaged.
Anglo-Scottish ballads based on this subject became a genre of medieval folk art. Their anonymous authors were peasants, artisans, and sometimes the ballads were composed by professional singers - minstrels. These works circulated among the people. The time of the birth of the ballad as a genre of folk art is unknown. The earliest ballad dates back to the 13th century. English and Scottish ballads are divided into several groups: ballads of epic content, which are based on real historical events, so-called robber ballads, lyrical-dramatic love ballads, fantastic and everyday ones.
Hero of robber ballads - noble Robin Hood, the folk hero of England, and his army. The first ballads about Robin Hood were recorded in the 15th century. In the ballad it is easy to trace the sympathy of the people for the forest shooters who went into the forest as a result of oppression. For the first time in European poetry, a person of ignoble origin became the ideal. Unlike the knights, Robin Hood fights against the oppressors of the people. All the good feelings and deeds of the brave archer extend only to the people.
The main thing in the plot of love ballads is the celebration not of a feat in the name of a beautiful lady (as in chivalric poetry), but of a genuine feeling, the emotional experiences of lovers.
Fantastic ballads reflected the beliefs of the people. The supernatural world with its fairies, elves and other fantastic characters appears in these ballads as a real, actual world.
In a later period, everyday ballads appeared, characterized by greater prosaicism and a predominance of the comic element. The ballad often uses artistic techniques of folk art. The language of ballads is peculiar - concrete words, without pompous metaphors and rhetorical figures. Another feature of ballads is their clear rhythm.
Peasant work and rest were associated with songs - ritual, labor, festive, folk dances.
In the countries of French and German culture, at fairs and in villages, joggers (players) and shpilmans (literally - a player) - wandering poet-singers, bearers of folk culture - often performed. They sang spiritual poems to musical accompaniment, folk songs, heroic poems, etc. The singing was accompanied by dancing, puppet theater, and various kinds of magic tricks. Folk singers often performed in the castles of feudal lords and in monasteries, making folk culture the property of all layers of medieval society. Later, from the 12th century, they began to perform various genres of knightly and urban literature. The folk art of jugglers and shpilmans became the basis of secular knightly and urban musical and poetic culture.
Medieval literature had a number of common characteristics that determined its internal integrity. It was literature of the traditionalist type. Throughout its existence, it developed on the basis of the constant reproduction of a limited set of figurative, ideological, compositional and other structures - topoi (commonplaces) or cliches, expressed in the constancy of epithets, pictorial cliches, the stability of motives and themes, the constancy of canons for depicting all figurative systems (be it a young man in love, a Christian martyr, a knight, a beauty, an emperor, a townsman, etc.). On the basis of these clichés, genre topoi were formed that had their own semantic, thematic and visual-expressive canon (for example, the genre of hagiography or the genre of courtly novel in knightly literature).
Medieval people found in literature a generally accepted, traditional model, a ready-made universal formula for describing the hero, his feelings, appearance, etc. (beauties are always golden-headed and blue-eyed, rich people are stingy, saints have a traditional set of virtues, etc.). Medieval topoi, clichés, and canons reduced the individual to the general, typical. Hence the specificity of authorship in medieval literature (and in medieval art in general).
Medieval art did not deny the originality of the author. The medieval reader (and author) saw the author’s originality not in a unique, individual (author’s) understanding of the world and man, but in the skill of implementing a system of topics common to all authors (in the visual arts - canons).
The formation of medieval topics was significantly influenced by the literature of antiquity. In episcopal schools of the early Middle Ages, students, in particular, read “exemplary” works of ancient authors (Aesop’s fables, works of Cicero, Virgil, Horace, Juvenal, etc.), learned ancient topics and used them in their own writings.
The ambivalent attitude of the Middle Ages towards ancient culture as primarily pagan led to the selective assimilation of ancient cultural traditions and their adaptation to express Christian spiritual values and ideals. In literature, this was expressed in the overlay of ancient topics on the topics of the Bible, the main source of the figurative system of medieval literature, which sanctified the spiritual values and ideals of medieval society.
The second feature of medieval literature is its pronounced moral and didactic character. Medieval man He expected morality from literature; without morality, the whole meaning of the work was lost for him.
The third feature is that the literature of the Middle Ages was equally based on Christian ideals and values and equally strived for aesthetic perfection, distinguishing itself only thematically. Although, of course, the very appearance and development of secular principles in culture was of fundamental importance, reflecting that line in the formation of the spiritual culture of medieval society, the development of which would later prepare the flowering of Renaissance literature.
Throughout the centuries-long development of the Middle Ages, hagiography—ecclesiastical literature describing the lives of saints—was especially popular. By the 10th century the canon of this literary genre was formed: the indestructible, strong spirit of the hero (martyr, missionary, fighter for the Christian faith), a classic set of virtues, constant formulas of praise. The life of the saint offered the highest moral lesson and captivated people with examples of righteous life. Hagiographic literature is characterized by the motif of a miracle, which corresponded to popular ideas about holiness. The popularity of the lives led to the fact that excerpts from them - “legends” - began to be read in church, and the lives themselves began to be collected in extensive collections. The “Golden Legend” of Jacob of Voragin (13th century), a collection of the lives of Catholic saints, became widely known in medieval Europe.
The penchant of the Middle Ages for allegory and allegory was expressed by the genre of visions. According to medieval ideas, the highest meaning is revealed only by revelation - vision. In the genre of visions, the fate of people and the world was revealed to the author in a dream. Visions often told about real historical figures, which contributed to the popularity of the genre. Visions had a significant influence on the development of later medieval literature, starting from the famous French “Roman of the Rose” (13th century), in which the motif of visions (“revelations in a dream”) is clearly expressed, to Dante’s “Divine Comedy”.
The genre of didactic-allegorical poem (about the Last Judgment, the Fall, etc.) is adjacent to visions. Didactic genres also include sermons and various kinds of maxims borrowed both from the Bible and from ancient satirical poets. Sentences were collected in special collections, original textbooks of worldly wisdom.
Among the lyrical genres of literature, the dominant position was occupied by hymns glorifying the patron saints of monasteries and church holidays. The hymns had their own canon. The composition of a hymn about saints, for example, included an opening, a panegyric to the saint, a description of his exploits, a prayer to him asking for intercession, etc.
Liturgy is the main Christian service, known since the 2nd century, and is strictly canonical and symbolic in nature. The origins of liturgical drama date back to the early Middle Ages. The Catholic Church supported liturgical drama with its pronounced didacticism. By the end of the 11th century. liturgical drama has lost touch with liturgy. In addition to dramatizing biblical episodes, she began to act out the lives of saints and use elements of the theater itself - scenery. The intensification of the entertainment and spectacle of drama, the penetration of the worldly principle into it forced the church to take dramatic performances outside the temple - first to the porch, and then to the city square. Liturgical drama became the basis for the emergence of medieval city theater.
CONCLUSION
The decline of medieval culture consisted in the destruction of the ideological system of culture, based on the principle of the supersensibility and superintelligence of God as the only reality and value. It began at the end of the 12th century, when the germ of a new - quite different - basic principle appeared, which was that objective reality and its meaning are sensual. Only what we see, hear, touch, feel and perceive through our senses is real and meaningful.
This slowly gaining weight new principle collided with the declining principle of ideational culture, and their fusion into an organic whole created a completely new culture in the XIII – XIV centuries. His basic premise was that objective reality is partly supersensible and partly sensory. The cultural system that embodies this premise can be called idealistic. The culture of the 13th – 14th centuries in Western Europe was predominantly idealistic, based on this synthesizing idea.
However, the process did not end there. The ideational culture of the Middle Ages continued to decline, while the culture based on the recognition that objective reality and its meaning are sensory continued to accelerate in subsequent centuries. Beginning around the 16th century, the new principle became dominant, and with it the culture based on it. Thus arose the modern form of our culture - a culture that is sensory, experiential, secular and “worldly.”
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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5. Lyubimov L. The Art of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. M., 1984.
The Byzantine picture of the world corresponded to the medieval one. The world was perceived as the image of God, and every thing bore the sign of “creatureship” - that is, a degree of perfection. A hierarchy of perfections was established and, according to it, a hierarchy of genres and types of art, the composition of architectural structures, the symbolism of color and light in monumental painting and icons.
Yes, myself architectural form religious building modeled existential-cosmogonic ideas.
The history of Byzantine architecture is connected with the development of domed architecture, which appeared in Ancient Rome (remember the pantheon). The Temple was perceived as the embodiment of the universe, and the Dome - the vault of heaven. In the 7th - 8th centuries. dome architecture has already received a complete cross-dome solution.
The space under the dome was limited by four massive pillars on which the dome was supported. The four pylon-pillars were so massive that, due to their thickness, they began to make four arches under the dome of the same depth, so large that a cross appeared in the plan, inscribed in the general square of the plan:
The central part of the building (except for the altar) is covered by a two-tier gallery with choirs:
From the apse (this is a semicircle protruding beyond the square of the plan in the eastern part of the building, where, as the first Christians believed, the center of the Earth was located - Jerusalem), the center of the building moves precisely to the center. Unlike ancient temples, there were rooms for a statue of God, the Byzantine temple was a place for the prayer of believers, for the very word “church” (“ecclesia”) meant in Christians not a building, but a meeting of believers.
The first temples of this type:
Cathedral of St. Sophia in Constantinople by the architects Anfilius of Thrall and Isidore of Miletus:
The Scythian structure of the temple and all its parts are marked with sacred symbols: the chairman, the dome - a symbol of divine power; three-hour apse - the trinity of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit.
The temple ensemble also included its most important component - the Word, which is considered as the incarnate Logos, divine truth, and is the top of the Christian hierarchy of values, for the Bible says: “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. Everything began to be through him... Academician Likhachev D.S. emphasizes that it (the Word) permeates the entire microcosm of the cult ensemble: it appears both in a sound image during services (prayers, hymns) and in a visible image (inscriptions on icons, texts on scrolls in the hands of saints).
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