“The power of tradition and the power of creativity in their combination is the life-giving source of any culture. Russian spirit!!! Great Rus'!!! Russian evil spirits

  • 02.08.2019

The question of what the strength of the Russians is is discussed quite often in different circles. Some say that Russians do not have any special power and all attempts to talk about it are simply a desire to amuse their national pride. But other people do not agree with this point of view; they think that the Russian people are unique, they have their own strength and charisma, which are often incomprehensible to their Western neighbors. We will join the second group and find out where the strength of the Russian spirit lies.

The uniqueness of the Russian people is recognized not only by ourselves, the bearers of our nation, but also by foreigners, many of whom find it difficult to understand the mystery of the Russian soul. The originality of Russians is recognized all over the world, so let's try to find out what the strength of Russians is, how the Russian people differ from others and attract attention.

The power of the Russian people

Every nation has its own typical national traits, the Russians also have them. This is precisely where the strength of the Russian people lies. Let's talk about what these qualities are.

The first quality is hard work and talent. Many Russian people are gifted individuals, we have a lot of talents, some of them are lured to the West. We have a rich cultural heritage and many eminent scientists in various fields. A Russian person is a good worker, especially if he likes his work and if he needs to take care of his family. A Russian person can get used to any working conditions, is unpretentious and ready to work.

The second quality is love of freedom. Remember how many times different enemies tried to take over our country! No one has managed to do this; Russia stands firmly on its own two feet, not allowing anyone to take away its right to freedom. And this is largely the merit of our people, because the Russian people are patriotic and even in difficult times are ready to defend their Motherland. The clearest example of this is participation in world wars, and not only in them. The willpower, courage, perseverance and courage of the Russian people are directly related to this quality, and it is really difficult to argue with this!

The next quality is patience, and with it the ability to adapt, which allows Russians to survive. The Russian people are indeed very patient, they are ready to stoically endure the difficulties of life, trying not to lose heart and even in the most difficult times to find a reason for joy and a smile. It's no secret that life in Russia is difficult, many people are below the poverty line, the economy and social sphere- not at the best level, the climate is harsh. Living in such conditions is difficult, but the Russian people, thanks to their patience and perseverance, do not give up and fight for their place in the sun.

Kindness, hospitality, generosity of soul - these qualities are well known to many foreigners who come to our country to stay. Who else but a Russian grandmother will feed a traveler deliciously and give him an overnight stay completely disinterestedly? And if you “break down” on the highway, one of the Russian drivers will definitely stop and try to help. You can find many such examples; Russians are really kind and sociable people, if you find an approach to them and treat them favorably. Many people think that Russians are gloomy, because that’s how we walk the streets. But judge for yourself, who wants to smile a lot after a long study or work in the evening on the street, when it’s dark, cold and tired? But once you talk to a Russian person, you will understand that he is quite good-natured and is even ready to help if his help is needed. Of course, not everyone is like that, but still, the majority of us are good people.

And finally, another quality of Russians is religiosity. Orthodoxy has sprouted strong roots in the Russian nationality; spiritual morality and purity, the desire for the best among Russian people come from God. We are now talking about those people who live according to the laws of God, who are humble, meek, benevolent and kind-hearted.

The power of the Russian word

Speaking about the power of the Russian people, one cannot help but talk about the power of the Russian word. The Russian language is multifaceted and rich; it has evolved and been enriched over the centuries, and this is still happening. The power of the Russian word lies in the fact that with its help you can ignite hope and love in the hearts of people, the desire to strive for the best, and unite the people. In the Russian language there are many such words and expressions that different situations can greatly affect a person. An example of the power of the Russian word is the speeches of commanders that they delivered to their soldiers before important battles. The power of the Russian word energized the soldiers, they went to war and won.

The power of Russian weapons

The power of arms in Russia is the people themselves, because for their Motherland they are ready to fight with enemies with their bare hands, without giving it to anyone. If we talk about weapons as a means of struggle, then Russia is not losing here either. Today our country is rich various types weapons, and this is not surprising, because rich military experience and constant control over the inviolability of borders directly influence this. In addition, the development of weapons production in Russia does not stand still; various technologies are constantly being proposed and developed, new and varied weapons are being created and accumulated. Just remember the “Katyusha” of the Great Patriotic War! The Germans were horrified by the damaging effect of this weapon, called by a cute female name.

Russian devilry

Russian evil spirits are another example of Russian originality. Those to whom their grandmothers told fairy tales and legends associated with Russian evil spirits in childhood know well what they are talking about. we're talking about. The folklore of our people is built on Russian evil spirits, and this is a very rich and valuable part of Russian culture. Many have heard about green-haired and sweet-voiced mermaids who live in rivers and seas, about the goblin guarding the forest, about the merman watching over reservoirs, about the bathhouse attendant, kikimoras... and there is no need to talk about the brownie, many believe in him in our time !

The strength of the Russian spirit is manifested in various facets and in different areas, we only talked about a few. But even by studying this small material, you can understand the strength and originality of the Russian people.

George Friedman found out what the strength of the Russians is

“The strength of the Russians is that they can withstand what would break other nations,” wrote George Friedman, a renowned analyst and head of the private intelligence center Stratfor, upon returning from Moscow. The author’s conclusions are devoid of the anti-Russian propaganda that was heard in Moscow, because in his homeland he had to support the brand of the “shadow CIA”.
Any intelligence activity is based on forecasting: whether you need data in order to find out what the President of the United States will say on next week, or in order to find out the future of your country. The essence of intelligence is obtaining knowledge about what will happen in the future, Friedman said at a lecture at MGIMO on December 9. So what is Friedman's prediction for the future of Russia?
George Friedman writes about this in an article entitled “A Look at Russia from the Inside.” Noticing on the way from Domodedovo airport the “endless renewal” of Moscow, Friedman is amazed: where are the actions of Western sanctions? Friedman notes that the owner of the apartment where he is staying is “much more familiar with the nuances American life than I am with the Russians."
In Moscow, George Friedman spoke with MGIMO students—“experts on most regions of the world,” as well as with those whom “I took to be ordinary citizens.” Let us emphasize that the audience of the communication is Russian youth, who, it would seem, should be imbued with sympathy for “Western values.”

Friedman writes after the introduction that, contrary to his expectations, economic problems did not bother the interlocutors much. “The fall of the ruble, oil prices, the general decline in economic growth, as well as the effect of Western sanctions - all this, as it seems to the West, is destroying the Russian economy. However, this is not what we were talking about,” Friedman is surprised.
Friedman explains to the Americans that this is because for Russia “economic ruin” is a normal periodic phenomenon, and “prosperity” is exceptional. Russians always consider the option of "returning to poverty," and today the Russian government warns of difficulties ahead. He says that 10 years of prosperity are over. And the expert notes that “this is not a bluff.”
But no matter who Friedman spoke to, when it came to sanctions, the main message was always that the West would not be able to force Russia to change its policy towards Ukraine through sanctions. “The strength of the Russians is that they can withstand what would break other nations,” the expert notes.
When external threat is real, Russians will support any government - “regardless of its competence.” The Russians are determined and with a decisive response, which, “I assume, will mean a seizure of the assets of Western companies in Russia and a reduction in agricultural imports from Europe. But no one talked about stopping gas supplies to Europe,” Friedman is surprised for the third time. Note that the gas baton is one of the main Russian horror stories in the West.

One of the most important lessons for the author is that Russians have a much higher pain threshold for economic pressure than any country in the West, or even none at all. If this is so, then the US and EU are mistaken about the effects of sanctions, the expert concludes.
The second conclusion is that the feeling of patriotism is very strong in Russia. For the Russians, the events in Ukraine were a historical turning point. There is also “resentment” towards the Obama administration, which, according to the prevailing opinion in Russia, is waging a propaganda campaign trying to portray Russia as an aggressor.


Friedman explains to the Western reader Russian arguments for actions in Crimea and Ukraine. For Russians, Crimea is a historical part of Russia, and the army was stationed there under a corresponding agreement. Therefore, there was no invasion, but only a statement of the real state of affairs. As for the east of Ukraine, it is populated by ethnic Russians, and they should be given autonomy in a Ukrainian-speaking state.
"One scientist pointed out to me Canadian model and Quebec to show that the West usually has no problem with ethnic regional autonomy, but is somehow shocked when the Russians want it," Friedman writes. He acknowledges the strength of the argument for Russian autonomy in Ukraine.

George Friedman further argues that the Kosovo precedent is extremely important for the Russians. “The Russians claim that the borders there were redrawn, although there was no danger to Kosovo. Russia did not want this to happen, but the West did it by force. According to Russia, having redrawn the map of Serbia, the West has no right to object to the redrawing of the map of Ukraine.” .
Friedman admits that he expressed to audiences and in private conversations the American point of view on events in Ukraine. It is expressed in the fact that the United States must prevent the rise of any hegemon in the world. There is fear of a resurgent Russia and memories of the Cold War with the USSR are alive.
If Russia succeeds in restoring its power in Ukraine, what will happen next? However, this argument “to a senior official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Russian Federation" seemed far-fetched. "He told me he had no idea what I was talking about. For the Russians, their actions in Ukraine were defensive, not offensive,” Friedman writes.
What will happen next, the expert asks? Will it Ukrainian crisis extend to the Baltic countries, Moldova or the Caucasus? An official representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry stressed that it will not. "I think he was sincere. The Russians can't go big. They have to deal with the existing sanctions and economic problems. The West has the resources to cope with several crises. Russia – only with the crisis in Ukraine,” the expert concludes.

For Friedman, it is obvious that “there is nothing more dangerous than injuring a bear.” "It's better to kill him, but killing Russia has never been easy." Friedman is convinced that Russia is not planning aggression, but he is concerned that the West is not sure of this.
This situation can lead to unpredictable actions fraught with the most dire consequences. The West needs to understand Russia's concerns. The history of Russia is the history of wars that Russia won thanks to buffer states. It is very important for Russia to have Ukraine as a strategic buffer against possible invasions, such as those of Napoleon and Hitler, and Russia wants to have guarantees that leave Ukraine at least a neutral state. Russians, in turn, need to understand that the United States has their " rising country"causes fear of a repetition of the century and a half history of the Cold War, fraught with the conquest of Europe.
"The US and Europe have problems understanding Russia's concerns. Russia also has problems understanding, especially American fears. The concerns are real and legitimate. This is not a matter of misunderstanding between countries, but of incompatible imperatives." And yet we must mutually try to understand them if it is impossible to calm them down, concludes George Friedman.

Information: George Friedman was born in 1949 in Budapest into a Jewish family that survived the Holocaust. In 1949, the Friedman family moved to Austria, and a few years later to the USA. There, Friedman earned degrees in political science from the City College of New York and in government from Cornell University. Since 1974, for 20 years, he taught political science at a private college in Pennsylvania. During this time, he regularly advised senior U.S. Army commanders at the NATO Headquarters Technical Center, the U.S. Army War College, the National Defense University, and the RAND Corporation on security and national defense issues.
He studied the theory of Marxism, international conflictology, focusing on the military aspects of relations between the USSR and the USA, the USA and Japan. Author or co-author of popular books: The Coming War with Japan, Future Wars, The Next 100 Years, Frontline Intelligence, and America's Secret War.
In 1996, George Friedman founded STRATFOR, a private intelligence and analysis company based in Austin, Texas. The company is recruited by the CIA to develop plans for “color revolutions” and political forecasting.


Recently I visited the homeland of my ancestors - the city of Arzamas and Nizhny Novgorod lands. And yesterday I listened to Professor A.G. Dugin. at the conference “Days of St. Petersburg Philosophy 2011”.

It is generally accepted that life is seething and gushing in the capitals. However, water for this purpose is collected and accumulated in the provinces. It is from the provinces that talent and money flock to the capital. And money and talents are also flowing abroad from the capitals

Russia is not Moscow, and certainly not St. Petersburg.

Four centuries ago, the then “elite” (boyars) surrendered Moscow to the Poles, and the liberation of Moscow and Russia began on the initiative of the “provinces” - free citizens of the Nizhny Novgorod lands.

Where does Russia get its strength from?

When I visit the provinces, I always try to visit a bathhouse to find out how people live and what they think about. And people speak with bitterness about the situation in the country and root for Russia. It is a pity that our rulers cannot, following the example of the Roman emperors, visit public baths to find out first-hand what the people really think.

The Russians came precisely from the Novgorod lands. It was here that Russian democracy was born.
According to the chronicle legend “The Tale of Bygone Years” (created in the 11th - early XII centuries), the name Rus' comes from the Varangians of the Rus tribe, called by the Slavic and Finno-Ugric tribes (Chud, Slovene, Krivichi and Ves) in 862.

The author of the Russian language dictionary, S.I. Ozhegov, writes that “Varangians in Ancient Rus': immigrants from Scandinavia, united in armed units for trade and robbery, often settled in Rus' and served in princely squads.”

The first Russian prince - the Varangian Rurik - according to the Ipatiev Chronicle, first sat down to reign in Ladoga, and only after the death of his brothers he cut down the city of Novgorod and moved there. Through Novgorod lands The path “from the Varangians to the Persians” also went to the countries of Scandinavia, which, as it were, continued the path “from the Varangians to the Bulgars” to the countries of the East.


Professor of the Faculty of Philosophy of St. Petersburg state university Doctor of Philosophy German Filippovich Sunyagin believes that at one time we joined two advanced centers of that time: Byzantine spirituality and Varangian military democracy.

In Russia, disparate states were united in a cultural and anthropological sense. They, of course, would have united if not Mongol invasion, which pushed us onto an unnatural path of development.

The Mongols created the so-called “Russian ulus” based on the model of their other administrative-territorial entities. This meant a despotic way of governing the territory, and the germs of our democracy very quickly disappeared.


But in the end we turned out to be stronger than the Mongols. The result was the creation of a great power designed for expansion, built on the Mongol model.

Yes, the management was despotic. How else could such a huge heterogeneous territory be governed if not in a despotic way? It was a vital necessity!

The state in Rus' has always been the most main value, since it was precisely this that held colossal spaces and heterogeneous people in a certain single whole. And the power vertical was inevitable in this situation. The despotic method of government gave the form of organization of this colossal space. Like the Mongols, it consists of a headquarters and numerous tax-paying territories.


It’s still the same: we have Moscow, where all the money is collected, and there are tax-paying territories living on subsidies from the center.

Unlike Europe, which is located further south, Russia produces less surplus product. In Europe they can harvest two or three crops and calmly distribute the surplus in a natural market way. In Russia, in order to distribute the limited surplus product, a powerful central government was needed. The Moscow headquarters initially collected this surplus product from tax-paying territories, but then distributed it, which is how the people survived

Russia, according to Western historiographers, was a “reverse empire”: it did not drink the juices of other nations, but gave away its resources, spreading culture.

In Russian history, the Russian people acted as cannon fodder and the draft force of the empire.
The historian Klyuchevsky expressed this with the formula: “the state grew rich, but the people grew weaker.”

“I feel sorry for you, Russian thought, and for you, Russian people! You are some naked creature after a thousand years of life, without a name, without heritage, without future, without experience. You, like a frivolous bride without a dowry, are condemned to the shameful fate of sitting by the sea and waiting for a beneficent groom who would take you in his arms, otherwise you will be forced to surrender to the first buyer, who, having discharged and cut you off on all sides, will then abandon you , like an unnecessary, worn-out rag! (1866 V.O. Klyuchevsky “Course of Russian History” vol. 9 p. 276).

What is more important: an empire or a nation state (homeland)?

Patriotism is love for the Fatherland, not for the state!


Will we be able to hold on to this territory without a strong state?
How can we get out of the new “time of troubles”?
If Sparta and Rome perished, what could exist forever?

Professor Sunyagin G.F. believes there is different ways fading empire. Rome disappeared along with its system-forming people. The same thing happened with Byzantium, from which only a great culture remained.
But Great Britain survived because the great English empire concentrated on cultivating the mother country.

We will disappear like Rome and Byzantium completely and completely, or we will improve, following the example of England, our Russian metropolis. And even, having exhausted our passionary powers, we will remain with her, like a normal European people. We must be prepared for this. Sooner or later it will happen. And the readiness is to provide freedom to the regions, to spend the remaining energy on improving the area of ​​​​our ethnic formation, which will definitely be ours and which no one will take away from us.

The main idea of ​​Solzhenitsyn’s article “How to Develop Russia” was the development of zemstvos, that is, again, provinces (territories).

But it is known that centrifugal tendencies have always been strong in the provinces of Russia. How can we make sure that centrifugal tendencies are replaced by centripetal ones, and without any violence from the center?

“Economy modernization cannot be a modernization that comes from the center. It must be based on the activity of citizens, on local regional initiatives, otherwise nothing will simply work out,” admitted President D.A. Medvedev, “... the distribution of budget funds should shift in favor of regions and municipalities.”

It is from the deep Russian lands that Russia draws strength.

Difficult times give rise to unity and solidarity in society, without which one cannot survive.

The “Russian Idea”, born from the bitter experience of our history, is simple: YOU CAN ONLY BE SAVED TOGETHER!

The Russian idea, like any other idea, is a manifestation of vital necessity. It has been shaped by our entire history, where the main thing was the survival of the Russian nation and its acquisition of integrity as a people. Hence one of the provisions of the Russian idea that individual salvation is impossible; we can only be saved together.

If in warm countries you can survive alone, then here, in our harsh climate, you can only survive together, helping each other. Europe is located in a zone of reliable agriculture, where they can harvest two crops a year. And in Russia, the harvest, even if you do everything on time and correctly, is not guaranteed. Therefore, in the West, the idea of ​​personal responsibility for fate is developed, but our people live together, with faith and hope.

If in the West wealth was a measure of righteousness, then in Russia righteousness does not lie in personal enrichment, but in living according to one’s conscience, in the willingness to help and share, without which one cannot survive in our harsh conditions.

From this, “Russian conciliarity” was born as a collective mind.

In European culture, the emphasis is on the value of individuality; it prevails over the value of the community and the state.

We can't survive alone. And therefore the value of the community prevails over the value of the individual. Hence the position of the “Russian Idea” about the need for self-sacrifice of the individual for the sake of the bright future of the entire people.

It is enough to remember the most difficult moments of our history to understand the obvious truth: our strength is in unity - in the unity of diversity!


Precisely because feudal fragmentation Russian principalities, the Mongols managed to conquer Rus'.
If we do not overcome differences (as the Nizhny Novgorod residents did in 1611), then Russia will perish. If we do not unite, as our ancestors did on the Kulikovo Field, then there will be no Russia.

But is the state worth it for millions of people to die to preserve it?
In Russia, the main value has always been the state, because it ensured the preservation of territories and protected people, for the sake of everyone, sacrificing many.

Now we have “devastation sprinkled with glamor.”
To overcome it, Russia needs not unanimity, but consent.
It’s better for the authorities to be friends than to be hostile.
Better a fig in your pocket than a civil war.

The strength of the Russian land is in Faith! As soon as the people lose faith (in rulers, in the church, in clergy, in God, in justice), revolutions happen.

The main problem of our life is the loss of Faith in the future. The Russian people have always lived by Faith. And now we live in constant fear of the future.

We used to believe in the Tsar Father, then we believed in communism, now we believe...

No matter how much you promise our people, it’s not enough for them.

And all because Russians live by faith. It is impossible to survive in this space without faith! Faith is the only consolation and salvation!

The famous German philosopher of the twentieth century, Martin Heidegger, who shared the ideas of National Socialism, said about Russia in 1943: “We (the Germans) will never defeat the Russians until we realize their metaphysical secret. And the secret is that they are the land of the future. Russians are a secret land of the future, not understood by themselves or anyone else... The history of the land of the future is contained in the essence of Russianness, which has not yet been liberated for itself.”

“It’s easy to live in materially prosperous countries. But how will you live in our terrible conditions? We Russians do not want to agree with the priority of the material over the spiritual, although we are not able to completely free ourselves from everyday problems. Survival according to the “I’ll go” type anything, but I will never go hungry!” alien to our culture, which preaches the value of self-sacrifice. Pragmatism has never been and will never be a feature of the Russian soul.

After all, the whole world lives by the mind, only we have only grief from the mind - and all because the Russian lives by the heart! No profit distinctive feature our national character.

If in the West people are more concerned about the idea of ​​personal happiness, then in Russia they are tormented by the idea of ​​universal happiness - how to make everyone happy, even if it requires sacrifice own life. To survive through speculation - this can hardly be the ideal of the Russian person, who, on the contrary, is ready to consciously undergo material deprivation in order to feel spiritual freedom.

Russians are eternally dissatisfied with themselves. We, like children, are ready to listen to everyone who has taken the position of a teacher, and therefore representatives of highly developed countries think that they are more mature. But adulthood is determined not by the ability to receive, but by the desire to give, and without any benefit for oneself.

A distinctive feature of the Russian soul is selflessness; For no other people is conscience such a painful problem as for ours, because conscience forces us to sacrifice profit.

Yes, the Russian soul sets unearthly guidelines, perhaps they are impossible to achieve, but they do not allow you to fall asleep in well-fed complacency. Satiety kills the soul. After all, this body is given to the soul, and not the soul to the body.

A Russian person does not need wealth, we are even free from the desire for prosperity, because a Russian is always more concerned with the problems of spiritual hunger, the search for Meaning, than with hoarding - this neglect of the material is the spiritual focus.”

WHAT DO YOU THINK IS THE STRENGTH OF RUSSIA?

“The Russian Emperor has only to grow a beard, and he is invincible,” said Napoleon brilliantly, penetrating his thoughts from his Longwood solitude into the secrets historical life peoples - still dark, not yet revealed at that time to the consciousness of the enlightened world. It is hardly necessary to explain that by the symbol of the “beard” we mean here the image and likeness of the Russian people, in the meaning of their spiritual and moral historical personality. In other words: let only Russian state will be completely imbued with the spirit of the Russian people and it will receive an irresistible strength of life and that inner fortress that cannot be broken from the outside by any onslaught of the militant West.

It is useful to remember this word of Napoleon I in view of the mysterious actions of Napoleon III, as if preparing a war for us and turning the entire West against us again. Has the nephew really forgotten the word of his uncle - he, who did not leave idle, renewed in his mind every saying, every thought of this, in the words of the Russian poet, “a huge man, a waste of glory”? How can we explain this now? gambling French diplomacy on the question of Poland? Who does the Emperor of the French take Russia for, that he is not afraid with his intervention, with his proposals, to evoke in it exactly the force that the first Emperor intended when discussing, after 1815, the historical destinies of Russia? Does Napoleon III think Russia will give in? But what did we do to deserve such a contemptuous opinion of us, and aren’t we the same as we were in 1812 and during that period of time when Napoleon I languished on the island of St. Helena, under the guard of the ocean?

It is impossible to think that Louis Napoleon forgot the saying of the founder of the Napoleons, and it remains to assume that in his uncle’s words about Russia he sees only one indication: what Russia should be, but what in reality, in the opinion of Napoleon III, it is has no idea. He is wrong; he does not see that the opportunity to get closer to the source of power is always with us and with us; he does not suspect that we are now incomparably closer to this source than we were 50 and 45 years ago, that this source, clogged with all sorts of garbage brought from the backyard of Europe, is finally beginning to be cleared by us. What constitutes our real power remains invisible and unknown to the West to this day; on the contrary, what he sees and knows, what he is able to understand and appreciate, what alone can be called power from his point of view, then, without any doubt, seems to him weaker than his own power. Only this false assessment of our real, vital strength can explain the blind self-confidence of the Western powers with which they undertook their diplomatic campaign against Russia.

Private information received by us from Paris and published below in the same issue confirms this assumption: just as 10 years ago there was an exaggerated concept of our external power in Europe, so now not only an exaggerated, but completely erroneous concept of our supposed state impotence: the French article about our army (“impuis‑sance militaire”), which provoked a response from a Russian disabled person, can also serve as proof. However, this is not Europe’s mistake: its conclusions are, perhaps, correct and agree with its logical premise on external signs of power and strength; The mistake is that these conventional signs do not at all express the true measure of our power. Let's try to take the point of view of Europe - Louis Napoleon, for example, and look at Russia through his eyes: how and what does Russia seem to him?

To him, like to all of Europe, Russia is known only for its European-dressed side, only in the European costume put on it by Peter I; the suit or uniform was dapper, the belt tightened her figure like a glass, and in the eyes of Europeans she seemed like a stately and beautiful young man; but we all well understood and felt that this uniform was tight and narrow, the limbs were swollen with blood, the movements were not free and sluggish. This uniform finally began to burst at the seams, and finally the government allowed it to be unbuttoned with all the buttons: we breathed easier and more freely, we regained freedom of movement and flexibility of our limbs - but it may very well be that this unbuttoned and bursting here and there uniform seems not quite beautiful for European eye, seems to him a sign of some kind of licentiousness and flabbiness. In order not to lead him into embarrassment and temptation, he should have completely abandoned the uniform and put on his Russian dress. This comparison with a uniform quite clearly explains our idea. Europe knows Russia only from the state side and imagines that it was created by Peter, exists solely as the thought and work of Peter.

St. Petersburg is called a window cut from Russia to Europe; Indeed, it is only through this window and through this window that Europe looks at Russia, and therefore judges Russia only by St. Petersburg. She is convinced that the mighty Empire, which she feared so long and tirelessly, lived only thanks to its powerful bureaucratic mechanism and its external material means. For the first time since the Eastern War, she stopped believing in the reliability of these external means and, now noticing some disorder in the bureaucratic mechanism, flatters herself with the pleasant hope that all the forces of the Empire, the strength and connection of its parts, have been completely undermined: she cannot understand that this disorder is salutary for us, is being accomplished quite consciously and testifies to the desire not only of Russia, but also of the government to replace the mechanism of the previous German administration with natural freedom of organic, hitherto constrained functions.

Europe saw only powerful centralization, some kind of external, abstract, state unity, and did not suspect the presence of a ubiquitous, not state, but everyday life, in which Russia is, lives and moves; it did not understand how deeply rooted in the Russian people the consciousness of unity and integrity of the Russian land, what gigantic power lies in this opportunity to feel and feel like a fifty-million-strong brotherhood!..

Until now it was hidden from the gaze of Europe that only the lining, so to speak, of internal organic force gave movement and strength to the Petrine state mechanism, that only Russia lived and held on Russian empire, despite all the obstacles placed in the organic development of Rus' by the unconditional dominance of Western civilization, the apostasy of Russian society from the Russian people and, in general, by German masters and apprentices of state affairs. The measure of the true, and not the imaginary, strength of the Russian state depends on the mutual relationship between people's Rus' and official Russia. When we were strong in the Western sense, we were weak in our folk, Russian sense, and this weakness was not slow to reveal itself during the Eastern War. We are now returning to the source of strength and are weak in the eyes of Europeans! It's clear. All we have to do is show them what our real, not tinsel, strength is.

But, perhaps, they will object to us, the West does not doubt the truth of the saying of Napoleon I, but it is convinced that Peter’s reform has already forever torn us away from the source of life and strength, that this source has dried up, that the root of a mighty tree has dried up. Perhaps the West really is counting on this: “that we Russians are no longer capable of revival in the folk sense, that in Russia there is only one official, so to speak, state Russia and folk Rus' has long since died out, and it will not be difficult for him to cope with official Russia; that the Russia of 1812, which inspired Napoleon with the words quoted above, was more complete than the Russia of 1863, representing a noticeable decomposition of its social elements, which did not exist before.” And in fact, the number of bayonets we have now is less than it was ten years ago, the exchange rate for our money is lower, paper money more, and the state of affairs in Warsaw should seem to the little man who carried out the coup on December 2, a phenomenon either incomprehensible, or understandable only as a symptom, as a sign quite favorable for any outside interference in the internal affairs of Russia; as a guarantee, finally, of our indispensable concession to every strict and combined demand Western Europe. With such external signs our power, why not make such demands? Russia will not go to war, the Europeans argue, and if it does, 1812 will now not be resumed: “it has become too European to show the harsh, “barbaric” energy of that era, its government will never dare to rely on the masses, its state principles too sharply contradict the principles of the Russian people, its statesmen will never dare and are unable even to resort to the measure indicated by Napoleon I - and this contradiction, discord and misunderstanding between the people and the state will help us win an easy victory over Russia.”

This is how foreigners talk, this is how public opinion about us throughout Europe, this is probably the opinion of Louis Napoleon and the ministers of the British Queen!

But they are wrong! We believe that the war will only bring them disappointment if it takes place, and it can hardly fail to take place with such a view of Europe on us; and, it seems, we have no other means left to smash her false hopes, crush her selfish calculations, achieve again the honor due to us, and discourage her from interfering in our internal affairs. We must show the world that Rus' is alive and exists, that external signs of weakness and decay are signs of our internal rebirth; that, finally, what in 12 was only episodically the fruit of the supernatural tension of the people’s spirit, breaking through the thick crust of officialdom and stupidity of the Russian public consciousness, then, we hope, will soon become the normal course of Russian national and state life.

We have to prove that our social ills are just skin growths, or rather a rash that frees the body from internal disease and indicates recovery: let them just not drive it inside with violent repressive measures, and let it sleep freely... Europe will have to make sure that it has a deal not only with the state, but with the entire Russian people, and that the Polish question is precisely not a government question, but of the entire Russian land, that, finally, it is not up to the Latin and German elements to resolve this issue and pacify Poland: this question can only be resolved and Poland pacified free influence on the Poles and on ourselves of the spiritual and organic forces of the Russian people, without any outside interference, by our own power and permission!

Europe cannot understand, but it will have to understand that Peter’s reform, which delayed for a while inner life folk body, rendered that historical service to Russia in that it aroused national self-awareness to activity, enlightened our everyday and immediate forces with thought, forced us to understand and comprehend the spiritual essence of our national principles, and finally appreciate the suitability and benefits of that power, order and improvement for which so much effort was spent and we thought we were proud of it! We have seen the light. Outside the people and the nationality, no systems of the best German finishing, no fittings of Belgian work and guns of English invention, no advice, examples and methods of action will save us French Emperor– no diplomatic alliances: we ourselves must be in union with yourself, and this union is possible for us only when we completely renounce the Russian traditions of the St. Petersburg period of our history. This is the only guarantee of our victory and success.

We may be on the eve of war; Let us also remember, for ourselves, Napoleon’s saying: “as soon as the Russian Sovereign grows a beard, he is invincible...”.