How General Rokhlin died. General Rokhlin: life and death

15.02.2024

There are a lot of gossip, rumors, and versions surrounding the mysterious death of General Lev Rokhlin. This is understandable: the military general, who was a political competitor to the Kremlin, was killed under very strange circumstances. After a short time, the unknown Putin becomes director of the FSB, and then occupies the Kremlin. Are these events connected and who is behind the murder of General Lev Rokhlin, who intended to remove Yeltsin from power? This will be discussed in the article.

We also bring to your attention “CONFESSION OF GENERAL ROKHLIN”

The recording was made shortly before the murder.

On July 3, 1998, at 4 o’clock in the morning, at his own dacha in the village of Klokovo near Naro-Fominsk, the chairman of the All-Russian movement “In support of the army, defense industry and military science” (DPA), State Duma deputy General Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin, was shot dead.

Immediately the media hastened to voice everyday versions: “the killer is Tamara Rokhlina’s wife” (“NG”, 4/07/1998), “he was killed by his 14-year-old son” (!) and “the fingerprints on the PSM pistol coincided with the fingerprints of his wife "(Izvestia, 07/4/1998, - in fact, the traces were washed away!), "the gold scam" (Kommersant-daily, 07/4/1998), "the half-Jew became friends with the near-Black Hundred public" (" Today", 4/07/1998), etc.

Lev Yakovlevich loved the common man and strived for him to become the master of his life, his country and the future of his children. That’s why he enjoyed fantastic popularity in civilian life and among the troops, where he was lovingly called Dad. He organized the Movement in Support of the Army, Defense Industry and Military Science (DPA), openly calling on Yeltsin to voluntarily resign as president. In response, the whole country heard: “We will sweep away these Rokhlins!..”.

His wife Tamara Pavlovna was immediately accused of murdering the rebellious general. She was put in a pre-trial detention center for a long year and a half. For what? If there is evidence, take the case to court. But the sick woman was left to rot in crowded, stuffy cells, while at home her sick son Igor, a lifelong disabled person of group I, suffered without affection and care. Do you want to see him? Write a “confession” and we will spare you. But she stood her ground: “I didn’t kill.” The 18-month prison pressure did not break her spirit.

Who sheltered the killers?

Who pulled the trigger of the pistol at the general’s temple that fateful morning? Fearing the truth and revelations, the authorities made the “domestic process” closed from the public and the press.

In her last word at the trial on November 15, 2000, this tormented woman made a sensational statement about her support for her husband’s desire to “peacefully throw off the Kremlin temporary workers from the neck of the muzzled people.”

Leva believed, she said, that such actions were consistent with the UN Charter, which even approved the uprising of the people against a tyrannical state. Whether my husband was right or wrong in considering Yeltsin and his government tyrannical and anti-people, let the Russian people judge. I personally supported him. In the face of my inevitable death, I now declare once again - I believe that my husband, General Lev Rokhlin, was right.

My husband was killed, but not by Yeltsin’s services and people, but by his own guards. Now this is obvious to me. A huge amount of money, collected from all over Russia by Lyova’s like-minded people to finance the action to liberate the country, disappeared from the dacha immediately after the murder of her husband. And his security guard Alexander Pleskachev is soon announced in a new capacity as a “new Russian” with a Moscow residence permit, the position of head of economic security, and even studies at a higher educational institution and does not hide from the court that the General Prosecutor’s Office helped him in everything. Chance helped the enemies of my husband: the common criminal Pleskachev and his accomplices did a vile deed “for them.”

There are plenty of reasons for such statements. Three “bodyguards” (the general’s security guard, a soldier – the dacha guard and the driver) were unable to answer the lawyers’ basic questions. For example, “What were you doing on the night of the murder, and how could it happen that you did not hear two shots that rang out in the rooms of the dacha?”

All three dodged, got confused and lied so much that their involvement in the murder of the DPA leader became more and more obvious. The defendant’s arguments that three unknown masked men killed her sleeping husband, and then beat her and threatened to kill her if she did not “take the blame,” remained unrefuted.

I followed this process from beginning to end, was at the court hearings and once wrote that the “Family,” which already did not expect the repentance of the sovereign defendant, was taken aback and regarded her speech as a rebellion. There is no doubt for me that it was on her order that the judge of the Naro-Fominsk City Court, Zilina, sentenced Tamara Pavlovna to 8 years in prison. At the same time, she did not provide any evidence of her involvement in the murder of her husband.

Already in the “zone,” this unbroken woman, with the help of lawyer A. Kucherena, filed a complaint with the Strasbourg Court of Human Rights, which caused a stream of caustic comments in the media. However, having examined the case “Rokhlina v. Russia”, he recognized the correctness of her complaint and decided to recover 8 thousand euros from the Russian authorities in favor of the plaintiff as compensation for moral damages for illegal criminal prosecution.

After all the protests, on June 7, 2001, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation issued a verdict: the sentence against the convicted T.P. Rokhlina was canceled as illegal, unfounded and unfair, and she was released on her own recognizance. Return all materials of the case to the Naro-Fominsk court for re-examination by another panel. This decision could be interpreted unambiguously: the general’s widow is innocent, we must look for his real killers.

On the same night that General Rokhlin was killed, there was an attempt on the life of his associate, the head of the Profit law firm, Yuri Markin, who was involved in the theft of oil by a number of large companies. Soon, not far from Klokov, in the forest near the village of Fominskoye, 3 badly burned corpses of strong-built men, 25-30 years old, with bullet wounds were found (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 7/07/1998). The Russian press has repeatedly quoted the statement of Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko on November 18, 2000 that he “warned General Rokhlin two days in advance about the impending assassination attempt.” A day before the murder, FSB surveillance of Rokhlin’s house was suddenly lifted (Novye Izvestia, 07/8/1998). Deputy head of the FSB Central Election Commission B. Neuchev then stated: “We have every reason to assert: the death of General Rokhlin is not related to his political activities” (“Arguments and Facts”, 07/13/1998). On November 27, 1999, Mikhail Poltoranin, in an interview with Komsomolskaya Pravda, made a sensational confession: “I know who killed Rokhlin. It wasn’t my wife who did this...” In her last word at the trial on November 15, 2000, Tamara Rokhlina openly spoke out in support of her husband’s plans to “peacefully throw off the Kremlin temporary workers from the neck of the muzzled people.”

According to Rokhlina, “a huge amount of money collected from all over Russia by her husband’s like-minded people to finance the action to liberate the country disappeared from the dacha immediately after the murder.” In 2001, when on behalf of the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin offered her a pardon in the Mozhaisk colony; the general’s widow rejected this deal with her conscience, considering it a betrayal of the cause for which her husband fought and gave his life. In the early 2000s. For the first time, versions were heard in the media about the involvement of newly elected President Vladimir Putin in the elimination of Lev Rokhlin. And in his 2010 book, Poltoranin named all the participants for the first time, which he spoke about at a press conference: “I could not say directly that Putin organized the murder of Rokhlin, they would immediately sue and demand evidence. However, the entire totality of reliably established events and facts surrounding this murder show that this is by no means my “guess” or a free “assumption”. The decision to kill, I know for sure, was made at the dacha in their narrow circle by four people - Yeltsin, Voloshin, Yumashev and Dyachenko. They first wanted to entrust Savostyanov, the head of the Moscow FSB, but then settled on a security officer “with cold fish eyes”, capable of anything... And it is hardly a coincidence that almost immediately after the murder of Rokhlin, the head of the then FSB Kovalev was roused from bed at night and hastily , in just 20 minutes, they were forced, in accordance with the Presidential Decree, to transfer their powers to the newly appointed V. Putin. And this concerned the most powerful intelligence service in the world! For what merit? And is all this by chance? General Rokhlin was shot on July 3, 1998. And on July 25, the unknown Putin was appointed director of the FSB by President Yeltsin...

According to Poltoranin, real power in the country is in the hands of the “bokhan” led by the ruling Medvedev-Putin tandem. In his book, Poltoranin touched upon the newly minted Russian oligarchs who have amassed fabulous fortunes from the plunder of public property; in particular, Yeltsin’s banker Abramovich owns numerous enterprises, mines and mines, including the most profitable of them in Mezhdurechensk, and even the entire port of Nakhodka. Moreover, all companies of this oligarch pay taxes on income at their place of registration in Luxembourg. Putin, well aware of this, pretends that everything is in order. It is not surprising that other Russian oligarchs, who long ago prepared “landing sites” for themselves in the West, as well as senior government officials, do exactly the same. According to Poltoranin, Putin and Medvedev have become even greater servants of the oligarchy than Yeltsin: “Both the president and the prime minister keep their money in Western banks... When they come to the G8 or G20, they are directly and unceremoniously threatened the loss of their money if they do not do what is beneficial to the West.

Lieutenant General and State Duma deputy Lev Rokhlin, who at one time refused the title of Hero of Russia for the “civil war in Chechnya,” developed such vigorous opposition activity in 1997–1998 that he frightened both the Kremlin and other oppositionists. “We will sweep away these Rokhlins!” - Boris Yeltsin threw in his hearts, and deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation contributed to the removal of the rebel from the post of head of the parliamentary defense committee.

The military general who stormed Grozny during the first Chechen campaign got into the State Duma on the lists of the quite official movement “Our Home is Russia.” But he quickly disagreed with the weak party in power (Rokhlin called the head of the NDR Chernomyrdin among his associates nothing more than a “spider”), left the faction and created the Movement in Support of the Army, Defense Industry and Military Science (DPA).

The organizing committee of the movement included former Minister of Defense Igor Rodionov, former commander of the Airborne Forces Vladislav Achalov, ex-head of the KGB Vladimir Kryuchkov and a number of equally notable retirees with significant influence and connections among the security forces.

Then there were trips to the regions, a personal plane, helpfully provided by one of the leaders of the military-industrial complex, meetings with governors, packed halls in large cities and the most remote military garrisons.

Rokhlin and I went on several business trips - to Kazan and other places,” General Achalov recalled, “I heard speeches, saw how he was perceived. He expressed himself extremely harshly. It is unthinkable to hear such a thing from a federal deputy today. And everyone was afraid of him then - not only the Kremlin, but also the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party...

There were times when we gathered in a very narrow circle at his dacha, there were literally five or six of us,” Achalov continued. - Of course, initially there were no plans for an armed seizure of power or an armed uprising. But then the life situation pushed me towards this. Because the leapfrog in the state was gaining momentum, growing simply catastrophically quickly. You remember 1998, right? Since the spring, the boy Kiriyenko was prime minister, and in August there was a default. So imagine what would have happened if Rokhlin had not been killed in July. The option of involving the army was not at all excluded.

Achalov did not talk about any additional details. He mentioned, however, that Rokhlin “could rely on the Volgograd 8th Corps in any matter.” Rokhlin has commanded this corps since 1993. With him he went through the “first Chechen war.” And even when he became a deputy, he paid very special attention to him: he regularly met with officers, personally supervised the issues of rearmament and equipment of the corps, turning it into one of the most combat-ready formations.

About two years after Rokhlin’s death, I talked with the officers of this Volgograd corps, they told me something, and, based on these stories, something could really work out there, - the head of the “Union of Officers” Stanislav Terekhov assures us, the same thing time part of Rokhlin's entourage.

The Rokhlin movement, the founding congress of which was held in 1997 in Moscow, so quickly acquired such a scale that in military units there were proposals to begin a mass action to accept pledges of allegiance to General Rokhlin at officer meetings with a call on him to lead the movement of military personnel and military-industrial workers complex of the country and other citizens of Russia, in accordance with the constitutional norms of the Russian Federation, to save the state from destruction.

Rokhlin’s supporters believed that if these legal actions of citizens took on a massive scale and affected up to 70 percent of the personnel of the most important parts of law enforcement agencies, social movements and organizations, then the country would have objective preconditions for a vote of no confidence in the policies of the country’s leadership in accordance with the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Having such organized support of the people, the Federal Assembly will be able, without experiencing pressure from the executive branch, to remove the president from power and hold new presidential elections. Lev Rokhlin could become the president of Russia, because time itself should have nominated a leader who would lead the policy of restoring the destroyed country. In this sense, Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin - a man with a Jewish surname, Jewish blood and a true patriot of Russia - was sent to the country by God himself - his reign would not have had those dubious deviations that plague the reign of President Putin, who is ultimately forced to act in the interests of restoring a destroyed country. However, Lev Rokhlin, unlike most Russian politicians, had no one behind him except honest people. He was not a protege of any of the bandit clans.

Rokhlin was killed, and the “democratic” press, unable to come up with a single significant accusation against the general, tried to do everything to banish his name from people’s memory. Let's remember Lev Rokhlin with a kind word.

More than 17 years have passed since a killer bullet ended the life of State Duma deputy, military general and simply wonderful person Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin. He fought in Afghanistan, went through the First Chechen War, was seriously wounded and shell-shocked, but still survived. And he was shot in peacetime, in bed, at his own dacha in the Moscow region. What was Lev Rokhlin like and what did he want? The life and death of the general, as well as versions of his death - read about all this further.

The beginning of the way

He was the youngest of three children. His father, Yakov Lvovich Rokhlin, went through the Great Patriotic War and, returning home to Aralsk (Kazakh SSR), could not get a job at the school where he worked before the war, he had to get hired in a fishing artel. On June 6, 1947, his second son was born, who, following Jewish traditions, was named after his grandfather. In 1948, when Lev was not even eight months old, his father was arrested, and since then nothing has been known about him. Most likely, he died in the Gulag, like thousands of Soviet citizens illegally convicted. The mother, Ksenia Ivanovna, was forced to raise three children alone.

About ten years after the above events, the mother’s relatives helped the Rokhlins move to Tashkent. Here Lev Yakovlevich graduated from school and went to work at an aircraft factory, from where he was drafted into the army. Having served the required term, he returned to his native land and, like his older brother, entered the Tashkent military school in 1967. When submitting documents, Vyacheslav and Lev Rokhlin either deliberately hid, or did not know, that their father was a Jew, since according to the documents they themselves were listed as Russians. If they had told the truth, the brothers would no longer be able to count on a good promotion, since such a background was not welcomed in those days.

Military career

The future General Rokhlin graduated from the Tashkent School with honors in 1970. He was among the top ten cadets. By that time, Lev Yakovlevich had been married for two years. He was immediately assigned to serve in a group of Soviet troops stationed in the GDR, in the city of Wurzen. After 4 years, he entered the Military Academy named after. Frunze. Like previous educational institutions, he graduated with honors in 1977. After this, Rokhlin served in the Turkestan, Transcaucasian and Leningrad military districts, as well as in the Arctic.

Afghan period

In 1982, the future General Rokhlin went to fight in Afghanistan. There he commanded one of the motorized rifle regiments stationed east of Fayzabad. It is worth noting that he took part in many military special operations carried out on Afghan territory, and was always distinguished by courage, determination and resourcefulness.

But in April of the following year, Rokhlin was removed from his position, demoted and sent to another regiment. His fault was that he made, in the opinion of the high command, the wrong decision. The fact is that one of the battalions of his regiment was ambushed by the Mujahideen in some mountain gorge. Then the regimental commander realized that his soldiers were in a disadvantageous position and would not be able to continue the battle without suffering heavy losses. To avoid unnecessary casualties, Rokhlin gave the order to blow up the blocked equipment and retreat. As a result, the battalion escaped the trap with minimal losses.

After this, Lev Yakovlevich served as deputy commander of the 191st motorized rifle regiment located in Ghazni. In the winter of 1984, his boss was put on trial for abandoning his soldiers to certain death in a headquarters surrounded by rebels, and he himself shamefully escaped using a helicopter. Meanwhile, Rokhlin took command and led his subordinates out of the deadly ring. After this incident he was reinstated. Under his command, the regiment fought very successfully. Take, for example, the operation carried out in the fall of 1984. It consisted of capturing a rebel base located in the Urgun area.

Seriously wounded

This operation was the last one carried out by Lev Rokhlin on the territory of Afghanistan. While flying over the area where the fighting took place, his helicopter was shot down. This time, the death of General Rokhlin was bypassed, and he survived. However, the wound turned out to be serious: his spine was damaged, his legs were broken, etc. First he was treated in Kabul and then in Tashkent hospitals.

The doctors' verdict was disappointing: to be discharged from the army for health reasons. But since Rokhlin did not imagine his life in the entire ranks of the armed forces, he somehow got a different wording from the doctors and still remained in the service. By the way, his wife, Tamara Pavlovna, was a nurse. She got a job at the hospital where her husband was being treated and was by his side throughout the course of treatment.

Further service

After being discharged from the hospital, Rokhlin was appointed deputy division commander in the Turkestan garrison of Kizil-Arvat. By that time he had a daughter and an eight-month-old son, who soon fell ill with encephalitis, which immediately affected his general development. After this, Tamara Pavlovna had to leave her job and run around hospitals with a disabled child.

Two years later, Lev Rokhlin is transferred to serve in Azerbaijan, where he becomes involved in the suppression of the rebellious Baku nationalists who provoked the massacre of Armenian families in Sumgait. When the collapse of the Soviet Union occurred, he decided to return to Russia. In 1993, Rokhlin entered the General Staff Academy and, as usual, graduated with “excellent” marks. After he became a major general, he was offered the position of commander of the 8th Volgograd Corps.

First Chechen War

From December 1994 to February 1995, Lev Yakovlevich and his soldiers participated in military operations in Chechnya. The facts speak about how General Rokhlin, whose biography was already full of military exploits, led his subordinates. The actions of his 8th Guards Corps were among the most effective and also suffered the least losses. This spoke only of one thing: their commander was a skilled and talented military leader.

Before the war, Rokhlin was considered by some to be a tyrant, since he paid great attention to combat training. As time has shown, he was right, and Suvorov’s well-known saying “hard in training, easy in battle” fully justified itself. In Grozny, General Rokhlin fought along with his soldiers. Together with them he celebrated the New Year 1995. Of the 2,200 Volgograd residents who fought with him in Chechnya, 1,928 soldiers were nominated for awards, but only about half received them. Rokhlin himself considered it right to refuse the title of Hero of Russia. He explained his action by saying that he could not accept rewards for the shed blood of his fellow citizens.

Political activity

It must be said that General Lev Rokhlin did not fight for the sake of any career achievements, and he received his awards not by sitting in the rear and pleasing his superiors, but by performing selfless service for the good of his country. While fighting in Chechnya, he realized that the Russian army itself was in dire need of protection, and above all, from insatiable officials and incompetent authorities.

In 1995, on the eve of the State Duma elections, one of the parties called “Our Home is Russia” took advantage of his unlimited authority. It was then that his career as a politician began. He entered this highest body of power, joined the NDR faction and was soon elected chairman of the Duma Defense Committee. It took him very little time to understand the main thing - the government led by President Yeltsin was deliberately destroying the army. Therefore, two years later he leaves his party, and then the NDR faction.

New movement

In 1997, General Rokhlin became the initiator and main organizer of a new political force. It became known as a movement in support of the army, defense industry and science. The purpose of this organization was not only to protect, but also to revive the Armed Forces of the state. It was very difficult to do this under the conditions of that time. The goal of this movement was to ensure that all citizens of Russia, without exception, strictly observe the Constitution, and the government, in turn, undertakes to fully ensure all the rights and freedoms prescribed in it. In addition, the new force demanded that the authorities carry out democratic reforms.

Quite quickly the movement grew into a national front, which openly opposed the then existing Yeltsin regime. Rokhlin himself turned from an ordinary military general into one of the most famous and influential political figures in Russia. This movement frankly frightened the entire government leadership. Its leader began to be called a provocateur, pushing the army to carry out a military coup in the country. But, despite this, Rokhlin’s authority grew every day, and not only in army circles, but also among the population. He was rightfully recognized as the most active opposition politician of 1997-1998.

Elimination of an objectionable general

Passions were brewing. The climax was the night of July 2-3, 1998. The next morning the news announced that General Rokhlin had been killed at his dacha, located in the village of Klokovo near Moscow. According to the official version, his sleeping wife, Tamara, shot him while he was sleeping, and the reason for this was a banal family quarrel.

At the end of autumn 2000, the Naro-Fominsk City Court found the wife of General Rokhlin guilty of the death of her husband. Tamara Pavlovna appealed to the relevant authorities with a complaint that the period of pre-trial detention was too long, as well as the deliberate delay of the trial. Her claim was satisfied and monetary compensation was paid. Five years later, a new trial took place, where she was found guilty of murder for the second time and sentenced to four years probation.

The real reasons for the tragedy

There are still several versions about how the murder of General Rokhlin occurred. As mentioned above, the first and official one is a family quarrel. But how can you believe this? General Rokhlin's wife, Tamara Pavlovna, who had been following him unfailingly all these years to the military garrisons where he had to serve, and raising two children, one of whom is disabled, suddenly, for no apparent reason, kills her husband because of an ordinary family quarrel. ... Although the woman was convicted, convincing evidence of her guilt was never presented.

The second version of the murder is political, in which Russian special services are involved. In this regard, there is information that the GRU and the KGB operated special departments that were engaged in the direct liquidation of people who had become objectionable or dangerous to the authorities.

The second version is also supported by the fact that not a single fingerprint, including that of the general’s wife, was found on the murder weapon - the pistol. This suggests that professionals acted, and not an ordinary woman who had once again quarreled with her husband.

In the Rokhlin murder case, there were two fairly strong pieces of evidence that there were strangers in the house. The first of them is the closed front door before the murder and open after it. The second evidence is that three charred corpses were found in a forest belt not far from the general’s dacha, and, according to the testimony of local residents, they were not there before Rokhlin’s murder. This means only one thing: they appeared there immediately after the murder of Lev Yakovlevich. The conclusion suggests itself that the bodies in the forest belt could belong to Rokhlin’s killers, who were removed after the crime they committed.

Protecting the honor and dignity of the family

The life and death of General Rokhlin is still in the news. Information about those who ordered and organized the murder was never made public. And, as time has shown, nothing has changed in the vertical of power over these 17 years. The same Yeltsin formula still applies: it’s either bad or nothing about the Rokhlins. Therefore, no one was surprised when another dirty material about their family appeared in Express Newspaper.

This time, the daughter of General Rokhlin, Elena, filed a lawsuit against the corrupt media for the protection of honor and dignity. In court, the authors of the slander dodged as best they could, having absolutely no evidence regarding their fabrications. In addition, they were stalling for time in every possible way by not appearing at the meetings. As a result, the court ordered the newspaper to publish a refutation. But for this to happen, the general’s daughter had to walk around the bailiffs’ offices for a whole year and a half!

Conclusion

It should be noted that after Lev Yakovlevich, an equal opposition leader did not appear in Russia. And this is not surprising, because no one else had such popularity among the civilian population and military personnel. He enjoyed what is called real authority among the people.

This was Lev Rokhlin. The life and death of the general should serve as an example for modern false patriots who are engaged in inflating a non-existent problem concerning the so-called “enemies” of Russia, without taking any concrete action. It is necessary to remember what this man did for the Russian army and for the country as a whole. And also try to implement and even increase everything that General Rokhlin stood for and was killed for.

Who killed General Lev Rokhlin and why?

09.23.2011 www.forum-orion.com5558 170 59

We also bring to your attention “CONFESSION OF GENERAL ROKHLIN”

The recording was made shortly before the murder.

Who sheltered the killers?

Besides, did he pull the trigger of a pistol at the general’s temple on that fateful morning? Fearing the truth and revelations, the authorities made the “domestic process” closed from the public and the press.

There are plenty of reasons for such statements. Three “bodyguards” (the general’s security guard, a soldier - the dacha guard and the driver) were unable to answer the lawyers’ basic questions. For example, “What were you doing on the night of the murder, and how could it happen that you did not hear two shots that rang out in the rooms of the dacha?”

Lieutenant General and State Duma deputy Lev Rokhlin, who at one time refused the title of Hero of Russia for the “civil war in Chechnya,” developed such vigorous opposition activity in 1997-1998 that he frightened both the Kremlin and other oppositionists. “We will sweep away these Rokhlins!” - Boris Yeltsin said in anger, and deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation contributed to the removal of the rebel from the post of head of the parliamentary defense committee.

“I went on several business trips with Rokhlin - to Kazan and other places,” recalled General Achalov, “I heard speeches, saw how he was perceived. He expressed himself extremely harshly. It is unthinkable to hear such a thing from a federal deputy today. And everyone was afraid of him then - not only the Kremlin, but also the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party...

“There were times when we gathered in a very narrow circle at his dacha, there were literally five or six of us,” Achalov continued. — Of course, initially there were no plans for an armed seizure of power or an armed uprising. But then the life situation pushed me towards this. Because the leapfrog in the state was gaining momentum, growing simply catastrophically quickly. You remember 1998, right? Since the spring, the boy Kiriyenko was prime minister, and in August there was a default. So imagine what would have happened if Rokhlin had not been killed in July. The option of involving the army was not at all excluded.

“Two years after Rokhlin’s death, I talked with the officers of this Volgograd corps, they told me something, and, based on these stories, something could really work out there,” the head of the “Union of Officers” Stanislav Terekhov, also assures us. at one time part of Rokhlin’s entourage.

On June 6, Lev Rokhlin would have turned 65 years old. But, unfortunately, he did not live to see this time. However, his memory lives on, and his experience of fighting against the regime has begun to gain popularity these days.

The future general Lev Rokhlin was born into the family of a political exile, hero of the Great Patriotic War, Yakov Rokhlin, and was the third child in the family. In 1948, when little Lev was not even a year old, his father was arrested and sent to the Gulag, where he disappeared. Mother, Ksenia Ivanovna, had to raise three children alone.

Ten years later, the family moved to live in Tashkent, where after graduating from school, Lev went to work at an aircraft factory, and then he was drafted into the Soviet army. In 1970, he became a graduate of the Tashkent Higher Combined Arms Command School, graduating with honors, like all other educational institutions. After that, he served in Germany, in a group of Soviet troops. After graduating from the Frunze Academy, he served in the Arctic, as well as in the Turkestan, Leningrad and Transcaucasian military districts.

During 1982-1984 he fought in Afghanistan, where he was wounded twice and then evacuated to Tashkent. He held the position of commander of a motorized rifle regiment, but in 1983 he was removed from it due to an unsuccessful operation and was appointed deputy commander. But less than a year had passed before Rokhlin was reinstated. After this he also commanded a regiment and a division. In 1993, he graduated with honors from the General Staff Academy, and in the same year he was appointed commander of the Volgograd 8th Guards Corps and concurrently the head of the Volgograd garrison.

In 1994-1995 he was commander of the 8th Guards Corps in Chechnya. It was under his leadership that a significant number of operations were carried out to capture Grozny, including the presidential palace. Lev Rokhlin - hero of the first Chechen war. He refused to accept the title of Hero of Russia, citing the fact that he had no moral right to receive awards for killing citizens of his own state. He managed to survive the war in Chechnya, even though his life was in mortal danger countless times. Here is one such example. The combined regiment of his corps was forced to hold the line against attacks by ten times superior enemy forces. In total, in this battle the regiment repulsed 11 attacks in a row.

Rokhlin was not attracted by either career achievements or political activities. He received all his awards and medals not for his ability to guess the wishes of his superiors or for being deep in the rear. No, he selflessly served his state and took a direct part in military operations.

The war in Chechnya proved that, above all, the Russian army needs protection. But the military general, who was far from the government, did not immediately manage to understand that she needed to be protected first of all from the authorities. But soon, however, this realization came.

In 1995, the party “Our Home is Russia” decided to take advantage of his authority, and then his active political activity began. At first he took third place on the lists of the “Our Home is Russia” party, and in December of the same year he was elected to the State Duma from this party. In January 1996, he became a member of the NDR faction, and was also elected to the post of chairman of the State Duma Committee on Defense. It is noteworthy that even during this period of time, being a member of the party and a deputy of the Duma, Rokhlin never campaigned for the party itself. All his speeches boiled down to the problems of the army and the state as a whole.

After a short period of time, the general realized that it was the government that was destroying the army, and doing it deliberately. Therefore, in 1997, he first left the “Our Home is Russia” movement, and then the NDR faction.

In the same year, Rokhlin became the organizer of the Movement in Support of the Army, Military Industry and Science, the organizing committee of which included Vladimir Kryuchkov (former head of the KGB), Vladislav Achalov (ex-commander of the Airborne Forces), and Igor Rodionov (former Minister of Defense). This organization was designed to revive and protect the Russian armed forces. But it was difficult to do this under the conditions that existed then. The main task of the Movement was to strictly observe the Constitution and ensure citizens of all the rights and freedoms prescribed in it, as well as carry out democratic reforms.

Despite the fact that the DPA acted exclusively as an organization of the army and the military-industrial complex, in fact this movement turned into a national front that entered into opposition to the Yeltsin regime. And Rokhlin himself turned from a simple military general into one of the most famous politicians in Russia.

This movement caused a great resonance among the government elite. He was called communist, and Rokhlin himself was called a provocateur who was pushing the army towards a military coup.

Rokhlin is rightfully recognized as the most active leader of the opposition forces of the late 90s of the last century. There was information that the general was preparing a military coup against the Yeltsin regime. Vladislav Achalov also spoke about this a few weeks before the “sudden” death of the general.

Everyone who supported Rokhlin's candidacy for the post of chairman of the defense committee very soon regretted it. From the parliamentary rostrum, the general was not afraid to say that the high military command was mired in corruption, while citing specific facts and naming names. He also publicly accused Boris Yeltsin of being to blame for the collapse of the Russian army and high treason. Therefore, for such statements, at the end of May 1998, Rokhlin was removed from the post of defense chairman.

However, removal from office could in no way affect the general’s determination. It should be noted that his movement at that time included many famous scientists, Cossacks, and leaders of miners' strikes. In addition, he was supported by many church ministers and civilians. It is noteworthy that at the same time, under the influence of reflections on the historical fate of Russia, General Rokhlin decided to be baptized.

Organizations that were disillusioned with the policies of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation began to go over to the side of the DPA. At the same time, the movement was not very popular among the younger generation, since the armed forces were very much discredited by wars and corruption among the generals. Soon his organization became the basis of the non-communist opposition. The power factor in it was the military and security officers, who were highly organized and had strong connections in the security forces. And if at that time there was a force in the country that could organize and carry out an armed uprising, it was only Rokhlin’s party. The general himself came to the conclusion that it would not be possible to overthrow the existing regime using parliamentary methods.

His political activities in 1997-1998 were so active that they caused panic not only in the Kremlin, but also among other opposition forces. But at the same time, not everyone who knew the general closely believed that he was preparing a military coup. So, for example, N. Bezborodov argued that the military would hardly have been able to decide on an open rebellion against the authorities, because the old generation of officers was brought up in complete submission to the authorities. And most likely, its representatives may commit suicide due to the inability to feed their family, but never take up arms against an undesirable regime. According to the same Bezborodov, Rokhlin was an extremely naive person who believed that politics was completely honest and correct.

It was the political career of the rebel general that became the reason for his death: in early July 1998, Rokhlin was killed at his own dacha in the Moscow region. During the investigation, the prosecutor's office was increasingly inclined to the version that the general was killed by his wife Tamara with his own award weapon. The cause of the murder was a family quarrel. But how could one believe that a woman who had tirelessly raised children all her life and followed her husband to military garrisons was capable of doing such a thing? After her husband was killed, the woman spent four years under investigation in a detention center, but her guilt was never proven. Later, when the Rokhlin case lost its relevance, Tamara Pavlovna was released, and the investigation itself was stopped.

In addition to the official version about the involvement of Rokhlin’s wife in the murder, there were also a certain number of unofficial ones: political, involvement of the special services. If everything is more or less clear with the version about the political background of the tragedy, then it is necessary to dwell in more detail on the involvement of the special services. There is information that in the past, the KGB and GRU had special departments whose tasks included the direct destruction of people who were unfit or dangerous for the authorities.

As for the Rokhlin case, there is strong evidence that there were strangers in the house. Firstly, evidence of the presence of strangers is the front door, which was closed before the murder, and for some reason turned out to be open after. Plus, not far from the general’s dacha in a forest belt, three burnt bodies were discovered. According to local residents, nothing like this had happened there the day before. This means that they appeared in this place after the murder...

In addition, it is also known that there were two shots, and no one heard anything. The first shot was allegedly fired from a height of two meters from the floor on the first floor. Of course, it can be assumed that Tamara Rokhlina tried to get a pistol from the cabinet, while standing on a chair, and carelessly shoot. But all my friends claim that this could not have happened, because the woman knew how to handle weapons well. And even more ridiculous is the assumption that after the first shot she could have gone up to the second floor and shot her husband.

The fact that no fingerprints were found on the pistol, not even of Tamara Pavlovna, also raises certain suspicions. But at least the general’s fingerprints should have remained on it....

Thus, it still remains unclear who is the general’s killer? Despite such an array of versions, the investigation could not find evidence and establish the truth. But at the present time this is unlikely to succeed - after all, not only material evidence has been lost, but also the memory of witnesses cannot store the details of the tragedy for such a long time.

It should also be noted that after Rokhlin, the opposition could no longer find an equivalent informal leader. And this is not surprising, since no one else had such popularity among the military and civilian population. And there are no such military generals in Russia anymore who would enjoy real authority among the civilian population.

Rokhlin's death is another striking example of how easily and with impunity it is possible to get rid of opposition leaders who are objectionable or pose a danger to the government. Another similar example is the death of Viktor Ilyukhin, which occurred “accidentally” precisely during the period of time when he had in his hands compromising information regarding representatives of Gorbachev and Yeltsin’s inner circle. On their orders, data was fabricated that it was Soviet troops who were guilty of the mass executions of Polish prisoners of war near Katyn. After Ilyukhin died, all the materials he collected also disappeared. It is noteworthy that after the death of General Rokhlin, information regarding the “uranium deal” with America, which he was going to present to the State Duma, also disappeared from his house.

Somehow one notices a certain pattern in these two tragic cases...

The fate of General Rokhlin should become an example for those false patriots who are developing populist ideas regarding the emergence of a large number of enemies of Russia, without taking any concrete steps. Combat General Lev Rokhlin gave his life for the country and its armed forces. We should not forget what he managed to do for Russia, but try to increase it and bring to life everything that the rebel general fought for and gave his life for.

Lev Rokhlin’s assistant for the DPA Alexander Volkov said: “Three months before the death of Lev Yakovlevich his wife Tamara was kidnapped. Right on the street, they put her in a car and drove her around Moscow, scared her, told her that her husband’s activities were dangerous both for the country and for the Rokhlin family. Then Tamara Pavlovna was brought to the same place. These were secret service workers. And before that, Tamara Pavlovna was in a military hospital. We also worked very closely with her.”

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Today marks the 65th anniversary of the birth of General Lev Rokhlin, hero of the First Chechen War, founder and leader of the Movement in support of the army, defense industry and military science, which was rapidly gaining political strength in 1997-1998.

Hero of Russia survived the war (he was awarded this title, but Lev Yakovlevich refused to accept it, saying that he “has no moral right to receive this award for military actions against citizens of his own country”). Although he clearly did not spare himself, and many times his life literally hung by a thread. One day, the combined regiment of the 8th Guards Corps under the command of Rokhlin had to withstand 11 attacks in a row from a tenfold superior enemy!

But Rokhlin’s rapid political rise was criminally interrupted: on July 3, 1998, he was killed at his own dacha in the Naro-Fominsk district of the Moscow region. According to the prosecutor's office, the sleeping general was shot by his wife Tamara with his own award pistol. Due to, they say, a family quarrel. But who can seriously believe that Tamara Pavlovna was capable of this, who spent her entire life constantly following her husband with her children to military garrisons, many of which were real hot spots? After the “murder” of her husband, she will spend four years in a pre-trial detention center, her guilt will never be proven, and then, when the DPA no longer poses a danger to the authorities, Rokhlin’s case will be hushed up, and Tamara Pavlovna will be released...

Well, there was no longer an equivalent replacement for General Rokhlin in the informal post of leader of the real opposition to the authorities. And who, really, could compare with him in popularity in the army and patriotic environment? Modern Russia does not yet know more authoritative generals, namely military generals. However, the history of this modern Russia provides many examples of how objectionable opposition patriotic leaders who represented a real danger to the authorities somehow “accidentally” passed away. Let us remember the recent mysterious death of Viktor Ilyukhin, which “happened” just when the deputy collected incriminating evidence on people from the circle of Gorbachev and Yeltsin, who, as he was going to prove, falsified secret state archives in order to “prove” that it was the Soviets who shot Polish prisoners officers near Katyn. By the way, materials compromising the authorities collected by Viktor Ilyukhin disappeared somewhere after his mysterious death. And after the death of General Rokhlin, the materials he had collected on the “uranium deal” with the United States, which he had prepared for presentation to the State Duma and the Federation Council, somehow “strangely” disappeared from his house. A strange pattern is present both in the “accident” with Rokhlin and in the circumstances of Ilyukhin’s death, isn’t it?

Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin, reports Wikipedia.ru, was the youngest of three children in the family of a participant in the Great Patriotic War, political exile Yakov Lvovich Rokhlin. In 1948, 8 months after the birth of his son, Yakov Lvovich was arrested and, apparently, disappeared in the Gulag. Mother, Ksenia Ivanovna Rokhlina (née Goncharova), raised three children alone.

After 10 years, the Rokhlin family moved to Tashkent. Rokhlin attended school there, and after graduating, he worked at an aircraft factory, then was drafted into the army. In 1970 he graduated from the Tashkent Higher Combined Arms Command School, like all subsequent educational institutions, with honors. Then he served in a group of Soviet troops in Germany. Entered the Academy. Frunze, after graduation he served in the Arctic, as well as in the Leningrad, Turkestan, and Transcaucasian military districts.

In 1982-1984. served in Afghanistan, was wounded twice (the last time in October 1984), after which he was evacuated to Tashkent. He was the commander of the 860th motorized rifle regiment. In April 1983, he was removed from his post for what the command considered to be an unsuccessful military operation and was appointed deputy commander. Less than a year later he was reinstated. Then he commanded a regiment and a division. Graduated with honors from the General Staff Academy in 1993. Since June 1993 - commander of the Volgograd 8th Guards Army Corps and head of the Volgograd garrison.

From December 1, 1994 to February 1995, he headed the 8th Guards Corps in Chechnya. Under his leadership, a number of districts of Grozny were captured, including the presidential palace. As already mentioned, he refused the title of Hero of Russia awarded to him.
On September 3, 1995, at the II Congress of the “Our Home is Russia” movement, Lev Rokhlin took third place on the NDR list. In December 1995, he was elected to the State Duma of the second convocation on the federal list of the electoral movement “Our Home is Russia.” In January 1996, he became a member of the “Our Home is Russia” faction. He was elected chairman of the State Duma Committee on Defense. On September 9, 1997, he left the “Our Home is Russia” movement, and at the end of September he left the “NDR” faction.

After this, in September 1997, the general created the Movement in Support of the Army, Defense Industry and Military Science. The organizing committee of the movement included former Defense Minister Igor Rodionov, former Airborne Forces commander Vladislav Achalov, and ex-KGB head Vladimir Kryuchkov.
Lev Rokhlin was probably the most active opposition leader in 1997-1998. The Russian Reporter magazine even claimed, citing Rokhlin's colleagues and friends, that the general was preparing a conspiracy to overthrow President Boris Yeltsin and establish a military dictatorship. On May 20, 1998, Rokhlin was removed from the post of chairman of the Defense Committee, and not only pro-government factions, but also the Communist Party faction voted for his removal.

By that time, Rokhlin and his immediate circle were under total surveillance and wiretapping. “This is beyond any doubt,” former Airborne Forces commander General Vladislav Achalov told Russian Reporter, an interview with whom the publication recorded just a few weeks before his unexpected (again “unexpected”!) death. Lev Rokhlin was indeed preparing a military coup, the publication claims. Lieutenant General and State Duma deputy Lev Rokhlin developed in 1997-1998. such vigorous opposition activity that it frightened both the Kremlin and other oppositionists. “We will sweep away these Rokhlins!” - Boris Yeltsin said in anger, the publication says.

However, not all those who knew Rokhlin well believe that the general was preparing a military coup. General Nikolai Bezborodov believes that “it’s unlikely that the officers of the corps (which was previously commanded by Rokhlin. - Note. The officers were brought up in obedience to authority. The army was brought to such a state that officers committed suicide because they could not feed their families. But to come out with weapons against the authorities, to carry out a classic military coup... This is impossible." “I think that Rokhlin needed his native corps more for self-awareness than for an armed uprising. As a politician, Rokhlin was a naive person who did not believe that politics was a dirty business,” continues Bezborodov “I think he represented social processes in the country in a simplified way.”

Be that as it may, even if Rokhlin was preparing a military coup, the authorities had completely legitimate ways to stop his “subversive” activities. At least arrest him. But Rokhlin was “shot” by his own wife in his own home from his own award pistol...

The general’s supporters, who were interviewed by Russian Reporter, are sure: this is the Kremlin’s revenge and an attempt to prevent army protests. Vladislav Achalov directly calls the murder political and says that after Rokhlin’s death, burnt corpses were found in the forest: this is how “the liquidators, or those people who participated in this operation,” were liquidated.

Rokhlin’s then adviser Pyotr Khomyakov testifies to the same thing: “The security was bribed. Three murderers hid in the attic. They killed the general and left the dacha. Then they themselves were eliminated right there, in a forest plantation located 800 meters away. The corpses were doused with gasoline and set on fire. It was 29 degrees outside. Then, in all seriousness, they said that the corpses lay there for two weeks... The version for idiots!”